WITHOUT CONSENSUS SUPPORT, ENLARGEMENT OF SECURITY COUNCIL WOULD BE 'FLAWED FROM THE START', ASSEMBLY TOLD

5 December 1997

Press Release
GA/9374

WITHOUT CONSENSUS SUPPORT, ENLARGEMENT OF SECURITY COUNCIL WOULD BE 'FLAWED FROM THE START', ASSEMBLY TOLD

19971205 Speakers Stress Issues of Transparency, Working Methods, Equitable Representation, as Discussion of Council Reform Continues

Security Council enlargement which did not enjoy consensus support would be flawed from the start, the representative of New Zealand told the General Assembly this morning, as it continued consideration of Council reform. He said it was inconceivable that such a fundamental issue could be resolved by a simple majority of those present and voting on a particular day.

The reform process must also be open, honest and inclusive, he said. The goal of expanding the Council's permanent membership must not be placed above meaningful efforts to reform its working methods and decision-making process, with respect for the principle of equitable representation. The use of the "closet" veto and the secretive nature of the Council's informal consultations were also of concern and ran counter to the openness and transparency that had been promised to small States when the Council was established.

The representative of the Russian Federation said the increase in the Council's membership should be minimal, so as not to adversely affect its efficiency and effectiveness. Expansion in both its permanent and non- permanent categories and the idea of rotating membership were acceptable, provided that was the wish of the respective regional groups. The most important goal was well-balanced expansion, including increased representation of developing countries.

Proposals to grant two permanent seats to industrialized States and three to developing countries would create an imbalance on the Council, the representative of South Africa said. Africa had a legitimate claim to five non-permanent seats and at least two permanent seats. Any attempt to allocate only one permanent seat to Africa, without the prerogatives and powers accorded the current permanent members, would be discriminatory. Attempts to limit the total number of seats to fewer than 26 would result in underrepresentation of the developing countries.

The representative of France said his country supported increasing the number of permanent and non-permanent Council seats. Germany and Japan should

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each have one seat, along will three developing countries. New non-permanent seats should be established to improve geographical representation. There should be a total of less than 25 seats, and new permanent members should have the same prerogatives as the present ones.

Statements were also made by the representatives of Zimbabwe, Poland, Cuba, Ireland, Libya, Zambia, Iraq, Guyana, Sudan, Iran, Israel, Kuwait, Belarus, The former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Ghana, Democratic People's Republic of Korea and Sri Lanka.

The Assembly will meet again at 3 p.m. today to conclude its consideration of the question of equitable representation on and increase in the membership of the Security Council.

Assembly Work Programme

The Assembly this morning continued its consideration of Security Council reform. (For background, see Press Release GA-9372, of 4 December.)

KHIPHUSIZI J. JELE (South Africa) said the recent proposal by some of the permanent members of the Council to establish five additional permanent seats -- two for developed and three for developing countries -- would lead to an imbalance in favour of the industrialized countries. Africa had a legitimate claim to five non-permanent and at least two permanent seats on a reformed Council. Any attempt to allocate only one permanent seat to Africa, without the prerogatives and powers accorded the current permanent members, would be discriminatory. Attempts to limit the overall increase in the membership to fewer than 26 members would result in underrepresentation of the developing countries. The question of the Council's efficiency could be addressed by improving its working methods rather than by limiting its expansion. Restriction would ignore the principle of the sovereign equality of States and the need for equitable geographical distribution.

He said the Working Group of Council reform should try to reach general agreement on enlargement of the non-permanent membership, as well as on the issue of improving transparency, since there was some convergence of those questions. It should focus on the size and composition of the enlarged Council and on the question of the veto, which must be an integral part of the discussion.

MACHIVENYIKA TOBIAS MAPURANGA (Zimbabwe) said an expanded Council would enjoy fresh perspectives in its deliberations and broad alliances in its decision-making. That was, after all, the purpose of the exercise -- to make the Council more representative, legitimate and credible. Expansion in both categories of membership was essential to meet the needs of a vast majority and wide range of member States. It was also essential to maintain a balanced ratio between the two categories of the Council's membership. Africa's strong position was that it should hold no less than two permanent seats, to be allocated to countries by a decision of Africans themselves, in accordance with a system of rotation based on the current established criteria of the Organization of African Unity (OAU). Africa should also be allocated five non-permanent seats on the expanded Council.

Those were reasonable demands, based on the principle of democratic representativity on a proportional basis among the regions, he said. To avoid perpetuating discrimination among members of the Council, particularly in the permanent category, it was Africa's principled and cardinal position that the new permanent members should be granted the same prerogatives and powers, including the veto power, as the current members.

Transparency and consensus must remain the custodians of mutual trust and confidence, he went on to say. Zimbabwe would continue to insist on the

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simultaneous entry of all permanent members, and to oppose any attempts to force a decision which would not address Africa's interests and those of other regions. There was also a need for periodic review of the structure and functioning of the Council, to enable it to respond better and more effectively to its challenges.

MICHAEL POWLES (New Zealand) said Security Council enlargement which did not enjoy consensus support would be flawed from the start. The reform process must also be open, honest and inclusive. There had been a real effort to build momentum towards a particular result, aimed at reaching agreement in principle on adding new permanent members to the Council. A "framework" resolution to that end would then be followed by a series of further efforts leading finally to the identification of those new members and to the necessary Charter amendment. Nevertheless, real differences existed among Member States. For that reason, and because of the possibility that the pace of change might be forced artificially during the Assembly's current session, New Zealand had joined over 20 other States in co-sponsoring the draft resolution currently before the Assembly (document A/52/L.2). It was inconceivable that such a fundamental issue as Security Council reform could be resolved by a simple majority of those present and voting on a particular day.

He said the goal of expanding the Council's permanent membership must not be placed above meaningful efforts to reform its working methods and decision-making process -- issues which should not be separated from the question of equitable representation. They could not be dealt with by merely exhorting the Council to take action while hiving off the veto issue into the "too hard" basket -- to be dealt with by a separate discussion group where active consideration would eventually wither away. There was widespread agreement on the need to strengthen the Council's transparency and accountability. Current enlargement proposals fell far short of providing the necessary binding commitment to undertake further meaningful reform.

Together with Argentina, New Zealand had advocated the Council's full implementation of provisions of Article 31 and 32 of the Charter in order to achieve meaningful discussion between interested States and parties to a dispute with Council members. The continuing "flexible" approach to carrying out the Charter obligations and the provisional nature of the Council's rules of procedure were a particular concern. Wider circulation of information and reports prepared for the Council should also be encouraged, which would help address information discrepancies among States on issues of common concern. The operation of the "closet" veto and the secretive nature of the Council's informal consultations were of continuing concern with respect to the openness and transparency that had been promised to small States when the Security Council was established.

ZBIGNIEW M. WLOSOWICZ (Poland) said that perhaps the time had come to consider whether a consensus on Security Council reform was possible. There had been progress in identifying mainstream views on reform, including wide

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agreement that both the permanent and non-permanent membership should be expanded. There was a nearly universal view that when deciding on enlargement, every effort should be made to better reflect existing geopolitical realities. There was further agreement that improving the Council's working methods constituted an indispensable part of reform, and there was also a sense of urgency. Those majority views should not be ignored.

The balanced enlargement of the Council should be a central element of reform, he said. Any increase in membership should allow for an appropriate combination of permanent and non-permanent seats, fully respecting the principles of equitable geographical representation. The right balance was key to ensuring the Council's credibility and its ability to operate in an efficient and timely manner. Poland supported the aspirations of Germany and Japan for permanent membership. It was also ready to vote for an enhanced representation, including permanent seats, for developing countries of Asia, Africa, Latin America and the Caribbean. There should also be an additional seat for Central and Eastern Europe, a region from which the number of Member States had doubled in recent years.

The Council's size and composition were not the only factors which had a bearing on its effectiveness, he said. Its mechanisms and working methods, including the veto, were also important subjects for the reform effort. More consideration should be given to the increasing tendency among some regional organizations and arrangements to assume greater responsibility for maintaining peace and security in their regions. In general, Poland supported that trend. The Council should pursue cooperation and develop contacts with such organizations.

BRUNO RODRIGUEZ PARRILLA (Cuba) reaffirmed the position of the Non- Aligned Movement on Security Council reform, as ratified at the Ministerial Conference in New Delhi in March. Reform of the Council should guarantee representation for the developing countries and an improvement in the Council's working methods, he said. Any reform and expansion should be carried out based on the principles of transparency, sovereign equality of States and equitable geographical distribution, in accordance with the United Nations Charter.

The current imbalance in the Council was reflected in both the permanent and non-permanent categories, he continued. In that regard, he reaffirmed the non-aligned position that the total number of seats should be increased to 26. The issue of permanent regional representation also needed to undergo further negotiations. The validity and universal acceptance of permanent regional representation needed to be demonstrated first, as the Council was an organ with the particular mandate of maintaining international peace and security. The principles of democracy and transparency were still the cornerstone for reforming the Council's working methods.

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With regard to the veto, he said it continued to be an instrument for voting, with particular technical implications, but for the most part it was anti-democratic. Veto rights should be reviewed with a view to eventually eliminating it. Finally, he was not in favour of a restrictive and selective interpretation of Article 108, which contained a precise message aimed at preventing any imposed decision and preserving the sovereign equality of Member States.

JOHN H.F. CAMPBELL (Ireland) said an expanded but effective Security Council would ensure representativity of the increased general membership while taking account of new economic and political Powers and the underrepresented regions of Africa, Asia, Latin America and the Caribbean. Ireland continued to support balanced enlargement in both the permanent and non-permanent categories of membership and supported the election of Japan and Germany to permanent seats. It believed that the appropriate candidates from the developing world, with global influence and a capacity and willingness to contribute the maintenance of international peace and security, could be identified.

Towards the end of the Assembly's fifty-first session, in a serious effort to narrow the differences on many of the key points on Council reform, the draft resolution presented by Ambassador Razali Ismail of Malaysia represented a bold and imaginative step. The reactions it elicited showed that consensus was not then possible. The positions on such issues as the size and composition of an expanded Council and on the veto made it clear that a solution likely to command broad endorsement was not within grasp.

An expanded Council of no more than 21 members would not be enough, as it would not offer a way to produce a balanced addition of permanent and non- permanent members, he said. It also seemed clear that an increase in the number of non-permanent members alone would not be acceptable to all. The extension of veto rights to new permanent members, as well as their retention without any limitation in scope or application by the present permanent members, would be a step backwards. Ireland also had reservations about a formula which would take the veto question out of the negotiations and postpone it further consideration to a time much further down the road. More thought and discussion must now be focused on that issue, one element of which would be the level of votes needed in an expanded Council to produce decisions. Unless a new sense of momentum could be injected into the efforts of the Open-ended Working Group, the process was in danger of running out of steam.

GUMA I. AMER (Libya) said a numerical increase in the number of permanent seats on the Council would not result in the desired objective of equitable representation. In order to correct imbalances, there was no need for new permanent members, which would increase discrimination. If an urgent need to increase permanent membership did emerge, expansion should not be imposed. It should not be at the expense of developing countries, and it must

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take account of the principle of equitable geographical representation. The choice of new permanent members should not increase the monopoly of the strong and rich against the poor and weak.

The Council's working methods must be improved to ensure its transparency, democracy and accountability, he said. Reform would be meaningless if the majority of States could not express their opinions in open debates. Currently, one or a few States monopolized decision-making. Libya supported some but not all of the proposals by the Non-Aligned Movement and hoped that the will of the majority would prevail. The new rules should ensure better links between the Council and other organs, especially the General Assembly, since that was the only body where all States enjoyed complete equality.

The veto was outdated and anti-democratic, and was used to serve narrow national interests, he said. The veto power must be abrogated. It undermined democratic principles and ran counter to justice and the sovereign equality of States. Libya did not support an imposed time limit for reform, and associated its position with that of the Non-Aligned Movement on that question.

ALEXANDRE S. GORELIK (Russian Federation) said a consensus was emerging on the need to ensure that expansion of the Council was judicious and rational, so as to enhance its effectiveness. Attaining broad agreement on all basic aspects of reform was a precondition for a viable solution. Such agreement would undoubtedly imply support from all the permanent members, whose prerogatives, as stipulated in the Charter, must be preserved in their entirety -- a matter of principle for the Russian Federation.

Further progress could only be achieved by laborious negotiations and the issues must not hinge on the vicissitudes of the "voting machinery", he added. A forceful prodding of the discussion and negotiation process was unacceptable and imposed arbitrary time-frames were counter-productive. His country would participate in a constructive way in the open-ended working group on Security Council reform to encourage a collective search for agreement.

He said the increase in the Council's membership should be minimal, so as not to adversely affect its efficiency and effectiveness. In principle, his Government was open to specific ideas currently on the table, such as expansion in both permanent and non-permanent categories and the idea of rotating membership, provided that was the wish of the respective regional groups. The most important goal was to ensure that expansion was well- balanced, including increasing the representation of developing countries.

Germany and Japan were real candidates for a reformed Council, he said. Broad agreement on expansion also suggested permanent seats for representatives of Asia, Africa and Latin America. Granting the eventual new

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permanent members the right of veto should be considered after specific "personal parameters" of the expanded Council had become clear. Proposals for a periodic review of the Council membership had not been elaborated thoroughly enough and the matter deserved more in-depth consideration. So far, he doubted that such reviews would enhance the Council's effectiveness.

PETER L. K ASANDA (Zambia) said the major challenge facing the General Assembly was how to transform diverse proposals on Security Council reform into a general agreement, on which basis a new structure of the Council could be established. A key instrument to facilitate an agreement on reform and expansion was the open-ended working group. His delegation supported the work of that body.

At the current stage of consultations, there was no evidence that enough of a general agreement existed to warrant pushing for a decision, he said. Given that reality, the Assembly should not be tempted to artificially rush the process. When the working group resumed in January, it should undertake substantive consideration of the various proposals, with a view to establishing common ground. That work, however, should not circumscribe the introduction of new proposals. The future of the Security Council would crucially depend on the diversity of inputs, because, even after reform, the Council would still be a small group of countries acting on behalf of the majority.

NIZAR HAMDOON (Iraq) said that certain geopolitical disparities were evident in the unequal representation among Member States in the United Nations. Why would a small group of powerful States which appealed for democracy on the international stage not respect those principles within the Organization? Those States dictated their will and imposed it on the majority of Member States through the exercise of the veto power within the Security Council.

Reform was needed, but a small handful of privileged members of the Council did not want their vital interests subjected to anyone else's prerogatives and did not want a strong representative United Nations, he said. They wanted to strengthen the Organization so that it could be an effective tool in their hands. They wanted reform subject to their conditionalities. That was why today, the entire process was bogged down.

The reform process must respect democracy, equitable geographic representation and transparency, he said. It must avoid hasty and scattered "here and there" reform. It must respect the Organization's Charter and the sovereign equality of States. There was a need to address the power of the Council by dealing with the States which currently held the power of veto. The Council should be made accountable to the Assembly, which was the most representative body of the Organization.

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He said there was a need to increase the Council's permanent and non-permanent membership on an equitable and geographical basis. It was the view of the Arab States that there should be one permanent and two non-permanent seats for that group, which would be rotated among the Arab States in Asia and Africa. It was necessary to take a fresh look at the arbitrary behaviour of certain States in the Council in the area of sanctions, so as to prevent abuses. There was also need to reactivate the role played by the Assembly in international peace and security, before submitting such issues to the Council. For reform to be a success, the will of the vast majority of Member States must be respected, and the use of double-standards avoided.

S.R. INSANALLY (Guyana), speaking on behalf of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM), said that what was important for most if not all small States, was to have a Security Council that was open, democratic and effective. Relying as it did on the collective system for its own peace and security, a small State must be assured that the Council could provide reasonable protection for its sovereignty and territorial integrity. That consideration was of paramount importance to CARICOM and it could not agree to any restructuring that did not satisfy that basic requirement.

The current impasse resulted from the fact that for many in the Assembly, the proposition of additional permanent members remained an uncomfortable one, he continued. It might be wise to reorient the debate and discuss what form of Council would best serve the needs of the international community. The failures of the Council in the past few years, among them, in Somalia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Rwanda, pointed to the need for a more fundamental exploration of its role, composition and functioning. Such an evaluation might make it easier to decide whether the Council should be expanded in both categories or whether expansion should be confined to the non-permanent category.

In the event that general agreement was reached on the desirability of expansion in the permanent membership, then the criteria for such membership should seriously be considered, he said. Permanent membership was not just a privilege, but carried with it duties and obligations to the international community, on whose behalf it was supposed to act. Further, while the attention of the international community had focused on the issue largely from the perspective of the possible enlargement of the Council, enlargement would not by itself fully address the core issues of transparency of the Council's operation, its decision-making processes or the credibility of those decisions.

In conference room paper 8, the bureau of the working group had provided a solid foundation to guide future discussions on what further improvements could be made and on how those arrangements could be institutionalized, he said. In regard to the relevance of Article 108 of the Charter to the outcome of the discussions, he attached great significance to the language of

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resolution 48/26 which spoke of "general agreement". While the phrase might lend itself to different interpretations, it reflected the Assembly's intention to ensure that support for any proposed changes in the Council, even the simple suggestion that it be expanded in both categories, should at least be at the level required by Article 108.

ALAIN DEJAMMET (France) said his country supported increasing the number of seats on the Council in both categories of membership. Germany and Japan should each have one seat, along with three developing countries. New non-permanent seats should be established to improve the geographical representation on the Council. The total number of seats should be less than 25, and new permanent members should have the same prerogatives as the present ones. France was pursuing its pragmatic efforts to make the Council's working methods more transparent.

The approach proposed by Ambassador Razali consisted of three steps, he said. The first involved deciding on a framework for enlargement. The second would involve deciding on its implementation by electing the new permanent members. The third involved making amendments to the Charter. That approach had the advantage of leaving enough time for an agreement to take shape gradually -- first of all, with respect to the new members, and subsequently, on possible reforms regarding regional rotation.

DAFFA-ALLA OSMAN (Sudan) said the main hurdle to Council reform was the lack of political will on the part of a small number of States which did not want its enlargement. The Council no longer reflected the principle of equitable geographical representation and the sovereign equality of States. Reform must take account of the interests of all States, large or small, rich or poor, and no longer serve the interests of a handful of States.

Reform must also address the right of veto, which was contrary to the principle of equality, he said. Although the veto should not be abrogated before there was the political will to do so, its scope should be limited. Reform must also bring greater transparency to the Council's working methods, and countries should be allowed to take part in the Council's consultations on issues which concerned them. General agreement must be achieved in all areas of reform.

MEHDI DANESH-YAZDI (Iran) said the current composition of the Security Council was imbalanced, which had seriously undermined its legitimacy. Any increase in the membership of the Council would have to take into account the concerns of the developing countries. That should be addressed within the framework of equitable representation for all countries, including the distribution of Council seats among the current five regional groups.

He said he reaffirmed the position of the Non-Aligned Movement that the Council should be expanded by no less than 11 seats. The argument that such an enlargement would adversely affect the Council's efficiency was

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unconvincing, considering that the current representation and legitimacy of the Council was open to doubt.

On the work of reform, he said that when there was an extensive divergence of views on the expansion of permanent membership, it might be prudent to address the increase in the number of non-permanent members as a first step. Also, the working methods of the Council should be reviewed, with special attention given to democratization, transparency and accountability. Equally important was the participation of concerned parties in the deliberations of the Council, including informal consultations. A broader application of Article 31 of the Charter [concerning participation of non-members in Council debates] could remedy the present shortcomings, in that respect.

On the issue of veto power, he said its frequent misuse was a matter of concern and a disgrace for the Organization. The veto was an unfair and anachronistic privilege -- one that was inconsistent with the rule of law or even common sense, as well as many purposes and principles of the Charter. The working group must seriously consider ways to curtail the discriminatory and unreasonable privilege of the veto, as a first step towards its final elimination.

DORE GOLD (Israel) said his delegation followed with great interest the discussion of equitable representation on and increase in the membership of the Security Council. The current situation, whereby Israel remained ineligible for election to the Council, as well as to other important bodies, was a matter of grave concern. The current system, in which non-permanent seats were allocated to the representatives of regional groups, discriminated against his country -- the only State which was not, and could not, become a member of its own regional group. That injustice did violence to the Charter of the United Nations, both in word and spirit.

The United Nations devoted a relatively large part of its agenda to the Middle East and the Arab-Israeli conflict, he said. At the same time, Israel was systematically denied almost any meaningful participation in the central decision-making apparatus of the Organization. If the United Nations undertook to renew itself, it must be clear that there could be no true reform if that anomaly was not dealt with promptly.

MANSOR A. AL-ATAIBI (Kuwait) said greater transparency in the Council's working methods was necessary to enhance its role in maintaining peace and security. Despite four years of effort, the working group was incapable of coming up with concrete proposals. However, reaching consensus was not impossible, if there was a genuine desire for reform. He supported increasing the membership, provided it was not so big that decision-making was impaired, and any increase should comply with the principle of equitable geographical distribution. In case of a general agreement to increase the number of permanent seats, the seats should be limited to States that had proven their

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ability to maintain peace and security and they should be elected by the General Assembly.

He supported all proposals to increase transparency and clarity and the free flow of information between the Council and Member States, he said. The working paper by the Non-Aligned Movement on 11 March laid a good foundation for enhancing transparency. It was important to codify measures to improve working methods and procedures. They should become operational without waiting for agreement on other matters, such as the veto and increase in membership. In addition, small countries should have a better chance for membership. He hoped that consensus would be reached on restricting the veto power.

ALYAKSANDR SYCHOU (Belarus) said his country supported the position of those States which had asked for equitable geographic representation in the Security Council. Such an approach would shift the emphasis away from the ideals of a formerly bipolar world. Belarus favoured a balanced solution through compromise, which would ensure an effective, vital and more democratic Council. To achieve that end, political will, clarity of positions and the readiness to find a balance of interests were necessary.

Reform of the Council was such an important process that there was no need for unjustified rash decisions which would be irreversible, he said. Belarus supported the granting of a seat to the Eastern European Group. Membership restructuring should take account of the total number of members of the Organization, eliminate imbalances and ensure the involvement of Asia, Africa, and Latin America and the Caribbean.

Among the developing countries, India was a worthy candidate for a permanent seat and could make a substantive contribution to the work of the Council, he said. To engage in practical measures for reform, emphasis must be given to the questions of transparency and decision-making. There had been positive changes in the preparation of the Council's report, and it was hoped that further improvements would make it more analytic.

He said that Belarus supported the idea of an interim solution with respect to the veto and advocated gradually limiting its scope, with a final agreement being reached by consensus. There was a need to hold more open meetings and informational briefings and to make all documents accessible to Member States. That would include press releases and the use of electronic dissemination.

NASTE CALOVSKI (The former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia) said the General Assembly should elect 15 non-permanent members to the Security Council -- five from Africa, four from Asia, two from Europe, two from Eastern Europe and two from Latin America. The increase in the Council's membership should be acceptable to the parliaments of Member States. Non-permanent members

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should be elected on a predictable basis, and each State should be able to serve on the Council.

He went on to say that the Council should adequately organize its preventative peace activities. Its work should be fully transparent. The role of the General Assembly should be strengthened and it should start to work continuously, like national parliaments. Every year, it should meet as a United Nations summit of the heads of State and government.

JACK B. WILMOT (Ghana) said that the imbalance in the Council's present composition could no longer be justified in the post-cold-war era. Its membership must be increased in order to redress that unacceptable situation, with due regard for the tremendous increase in overall membership of the United Nations, as well as developments in the international arena over the past two decades. Ghana's views on equitable geographical representation were clearly defined in the statements and working papers of the Non-Aligned Movement, which called for an increase in membership by not less than 11 seats. That proposal was fair and reasonable and could accommodate the legitimate claims of all regions. The Movement's desire to expand the Council's permanent and non-permanent membership also deserved support.

He said that his country associated itself with the common African position, which called for the allocation of two permanent rotating seats to the continent. The Organization should avoid creating a new underprivileged class. While it was understandable that Africa had not been considered for permanent Council membership in 1945, when it was still reeling under the yoke of colonial rule, it was clearly an injustice that no African country had been considered for permanent membership in 1963. At the dawn of a new millennium, he warned against entrenching that anomaly and closing out more than one third of the Organization's membership.

He said the call by some delegations to expand the Council's membership to a maximum size of 20 to 21 countries either aimed at setting a new mandate for the Open-Ended Working Group or was a ploy to have the best of two irreconcilable worlds -- supporting expansion and equitable representation with one breath, while advancing proposals that had little chance of obtaining general agreement with the next. He cautioned against rushing to premature decisions which could only further polarize the Organization, leaving the vast majority of Member States disillusioned and even more alienated from the reformed Council. Perhaps, as the Non-Aligned Movement had suggested, expansion should take place only in the non-permanent category for the time being. The proposal for a periodic review of the Council's composition deserved serious consideration. Also, use of the veto should be limited to clearly defined situations outlined in the Charter.

KIM CHANG GUK (Democratic People's Republic of Korea) said reform of the Security Council should reflect the will of developing countries, who made up the majority of the United Nations membership. They should be able to

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exercise their sovereign rights on an equal footing. Unlike the General Assembly, which was relatively democratized, the Security Council lacked democracy while enjoying a powerful authority. That situation created the impression that the Council was being abused by the big Powers to pursue their political purposes.

He said the expansion of the non-permanent and permanent membership categories should be discussed separately, giving precedence to discussion of the former, on which Member States could more easily agree. Simultaneous discussions on both issues would be unrealistic and might prolong the debate for an unlimited period.

On expansion of the Council's permanent membership, he said it was important to correct the imbalance in its composition. If its permanent membership was composed mainly of developed countries, for the sake of effectiveness, the current imbalance would be aggravated and impartiality might never be ensured. The idea of admitting two countries from the developed world and three from the developing world as permanent members should therefore be considered. It was also necessary to distribute the new permanent seats on the principle of equitable geographical representation, which was already applied in elections to the principle organs of the United Nations.

JANAKA NAKKAWITA (Sri Lanka) said he associated himself with the statement made by the representative of Egypt, in his capacity as the coordinator of the Non-Aligned Movement. It was clear that a Security Council of 15, among which were the five permanent members with the right to a veto, could not speak on behalf of a large number of countries that remained on the fringes. Having created an anachronism and an inequality, the world could ill-afford to replace it with a further inequality and an unjust mechanism. It was necessary to move, but the importance and urgency had to be tempered with circumspection in order to reach general agreement among the large majority of States.

He wanted to see the Council expanded in both the permanent and non- permanent category, he said. Such an expanded Council should have a membership of about 26, as the Non-Aligned proposal envisaged, to make it legitimate and representative. The expanded Council should provide for a greater representation of developing countries belonging to the Non-Aligned Movement. The principle of equitable geographic representation and the sovereign equality of States should also be upheld. The working methods of the Council should be transparent and subject to greater democratization, he said. Further, he supported the Non-Aligned Movement position that the decision-making process should be democratized and the use of the veto should be confined to start, to those subjects covered by Chapter VII of the Charter. All those elements should be dealt with as a comprehensive package, as they were all of equal importance and significance.

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