In progress at UNHQ

GA/9212

TRANSCRIPT OF PRESS CONFERENCE BY SECRETARY-GENERAL ELECT KOFI ANNAN (GHANA)

18 December 1996


Press Release
GA/9212


TRANSCRIPT OF PRESS CONFERENCE BY SECRETARY-GENERAL ELECT KOFI ANNAN (GHANA)

19961218

This is the transcript of a press conference held at Headquarters today by Secretary-General elect, Kofi Annan:

IAN WILLIAMS (President, United Nations Correspondents' Association): A very hearty welcome on behalf of the United Nations Correspondents' Association. It is a sort of hail-and-farewell because it is farewell to Kofi and hail, Mr. Secretary-General. We hope that you stay as familiar with us while we observe the privileges and prerogatives of your new rank.

The first question has to be, of course, that the United States, over the last six months, has said that it would not pay the money while your predecessor was there. Now he is not there, what measures can you take to ensure that it lives up to its implied promise that it will now pay its arrears?

The SECRETARY-GENERAL ELECT: I expect to work with the Administration and -— through it -— the Congress, to get the United States to pay the money due to the Organization. I have made it clear in previous statements that it is not really in the interest of the United States not to pay its contribution to the United Nations. It offends friends and foes alike. The United States needs the United Nations and the United Nations needs the United States. We cannot operate effectively and efficiently without a sound financial basis.

I am confident that the Administration will do all that it can. We on our side also have to do what is expected of us. By this I mean ongoing in reforms. The search for excellence is an ongoing process and that will continue.

QUESTION: In early 1994 there was a series of alerts and warnings sent from Rwanda to United Nations Headquarters. You had received the information of a plot to kill large numbers of Tutsi in Rwanda. The United Nations shared that information -— the essential information -— only with the major Powers in the region and not with the United Nations Security Council.

Can you tell us what your judgement at that time was on that issue, whether you agreed that it was a good idea just to share the information with the major Powers or whether you regret that decision and whether you would do things differently in hindsight?

The SECRETARY-GENERAL ELECT: First of all, let me say that when we report to the Security Council, we do not give it every bit of paper, cable and information that we get. We synthesize the information we get and give the Council a sense of the danger in the region and what has to be done. I think you have to agree with me that if we had to give every piece of paper that comes in from the operations around the world, the Council would not have room to sit in the Council Chamber. The normal thing is that you synthesize intelligence, you analyse it and give a sense of the danger ahead. No one in

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the Council can claim that, over Rwanda, Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali did not convey the need to act, the sense of urgency to them.

With regard to the particular correspondence you are referring to, when we get these, action has to be taken. In that particular situation, the Force Commander was instructed to do two things: one, go to the President and share the information with him and warn him to take steps to ensure that what he had heard would be taken care of or be brought under control. Let me first say that it was information which had not been corroborated, but he did get it from someone. And then we said: Tell three Ambassadors of prominent countries, which had embassies in Kigali, also to put pressure on the President to control the militia. We took action; we did not sit on the information. And the Council was given a sense of the dangerous situation on the ground, time and time again. And that is the important thing -— not whether we gave them this bit of paper or that bit of paper -— and we will continue to operate on that basis.

QUESTION: You are a veteran of peace-keeping operations. Recently, you were discussing the question of Haiti. Some big Powers were reluctant about the extension of the Mission. How do you see the future of the peace-keeping operation? Was it limited because they are reluctant to pay or because they are reluctant to have longer operations?

The SECRETARY-GENERAL ELECT: I see you are sitting next to a Haitian friend. Let me say that there is a perception that peace-keeping has decreased over the past few years. The reality is that peace-keeping has increased. It has not decreased. It has become diversified. There are 50,000 troops under NATO operating with IFOR in Bosnia, and we also have the CIS troops in former Soviet republics. We have the ECOMOG troops in Liberia and, of course, the 25,000 United Nations peace-keeping troops. The figure is roughly around 100,000, and I am not counting the United States troops in the Gulf. At its peak we had 75,000 to 80,000, so peace-keeping has increased.

We also ought to note that the two organizations currently involved in peace-keeping operations in Europe -— NATO and CIS -— cannot, in principle, operate outside their region. And, therefore, if there is any crisis that the international community decides to get involved in, the only organization it has is the United Nations. Of course, the regional organizations have a role to play and we welcome it, but at the universal level the only instrument we have is United Nations peace-keeping machinery. And when we look around and consider the crises around us, I think peace-keeping is going to be with us for a while. I am not drumming up business, but I am just talking the facts.

QUESTION: How would you define the job and the role of the Secretary- General of the United Nations? Do you think Boutros-Ghali was a scapegoat of the United States?

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The SECRETARY-GENERAL ELECT: Let me say that the Secretary-General's role is multifaceted. Some have referred to it as an administrator and a manager. That is an essential part of the work. But he also has a political and diplomatic role, and above all, a moral voice which should be heard periodically when necessary.

On the question of whether the Secretary-General has been a scapegoat or not, let me say that Dr. Boutros-Ghali, in my judgement, has made a major contribution to the Organization and you heard me say so yesterday in my statement. I think history will judge him much more kindly and much more realistically than I have seen in some quarters recently. That is as far as I will go.

QUESTION: Just yesterday, Pope John Paul II issued a statement on peace, saying that we still have to overcome the culture of war as a means of solving our problems. He said that a major step towards reaching this goal would be to give new strength to the United Nations. I would like it if you could comment on that and on how you think it is possible to give this new strength to the Organization that you are going to lead in the next five years.

The SECRETARY-GENERAL ELECT: I think perhaps the most important, if you are going to give new strength to the United Nations, is the reaffirmation by the Member States of their belief in the Organization. We need to encourage them to develop the sustained will to support the Organization. But I think it equally important that we really demystify the United Nations and not make it so bureaucratic and distant from the average person. We should bring the Organization closer to the people. In my own judgement, I believe that if we have the support of the people and if they understand what we are trying to do, the politicians will be there.

QUESTION: It is true what the representative of African States said at the General Assembly: that there has been a lot of jubilation across Africa because of your appointment but it is also true that there will be a lot of expectation, not particularly from the Africans, in the area of conflict resolution, post-conflict peace-building and governmental problems. My question is: What is your blueprint for helping to channel United Nations resources towards this continent?

The SECRETARY-GENERAL ELECT: I think that on the question of the crisis on the continent, the only solution we should seek is political. The solution does not lie in the military route. And I think that I would much prefer the leaders of the region resolving these issues through political discussion and I will give all my weight and effort to that.

When I look at the continent, when we look at what is happening in the Great Lakes region, the crisis in Liberia, the situation in the Sudan, the ongoing conflict in Angola, you are right: the continent will take quite a

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lot of my time. But we also have to realize that, without stability, if we do not put an end to these conflicts, economically not much can be done. Investors and governments with money to give are not going to put it in conflict situations when they are not sure what the situation will be like a year or two years from now.

Therefore, economic and political and social stability is extremely important for economic development. And if we do that, we should be able to move the continent forward, but first let us settle the political issue and then move on to the economic issue. Obviously, the United Nations will have to channel the resources it has within the United Nations system effectively to those governments that need assistance most, and we will need to coordinate our efforts a bit more effectively than we have done so far. But the Africans also have their part to play.

QUESTION: Though the United Nations has been in existence for 50 years, we still see the oppressor strong and ruling and the oppressed people still oppressed. We see the strong Member States as being able to have their own way while the other Member States are not being able to be heard or are limited in what they have. In your term in office, what do you think you can do to make the Charter of the United Nations really effective and work accordingly? What could your good offices do to help those oppressed to be better heard and able to express themselves?

The SECRETARY-GENERAL ELECT: Let me start with the first question you raised on the relationship between Member States, big and small, and some bigger States having far greater influence than others.

I firmly believe that this is a democratic institution -— or should be a democratic institution. What we have at the United Nations is a group of 185 Member States, each with its own rights and voice. When I hear that Member States are being pushed around -— that Member States do not have a say -- I am a bit surprised and disappointed. I think the Member States have a right to be heard. They have a right to speak up. They have a right to defend what they consider their interests. The perception that they are pushed around by one or two or three Member States -— if that is indeed correct -— is their own fault. Nobody can push you around unless you allow it.

On the question of assisting the oppressed, I think I indicated yesterday in my own statement that this Organization should pay far greater attention to that than to other issues. But let me say here that this does not mean that the United Nations is going to interfere in the internal affairs of its Member States around the world. However, in recent years, the Council has made it clear that, in those situations where it believes that there are compelling humanitarian reasons or that a leader is unreasonably brutalizing his or her population, the Council has intervened. And I think that is a step in the right direction.

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QUESTION (interpretation from French): In your statement yesterday, you talked about the tragedy of countries that have been marginalized by globalization. In the light of the limitations of the Secretary-General and his sole recourse to Article 99 of the Charter, how are you going to address this problem? Other Secretaries-General have tried to tackle it and failed? How do you intend to approach this problem?

The SECRETARY-GENERAL ELECT (interpretation from French): I think we all need to work together, with the World Bank and all United Nations agencies. In addition, we need to encourage Member States that have the capacity to help to do much more than they are doing now. They must be convinced that it is in their own interests to help these countries.

QUESTION: In your speech yesterday, you said that you would be presenting your ideas about United Nations reform to the membership. When might that be? Do you have a time-frame for that? And, in doing so, what use would you make of the proposals being put forward by Mr. Maurice Strong, who has been working on reform proposals for awhile.

The SECRETARY-GENERAL ELECT: Let me first say that I have not seen any of the proposals worked on either by Mr. Strong or by Mr. Connor. I trust that, in time, I will see them. But my sense is that one of the key debates which has yet to take place -— and we have to find a mechanism in the process for it -— is that we, the Member States of this Organization, should begin to discuss what the United Nations should be doing. What should our business be? What should be our objectives? How do we re-position the United Nations as we move into the twenty-first century?

There are lots of ideas, within and without. But I do not think there is a consensus yet, because a debate has not taken place. I would hope to be able to engage the Member States in that debate, and once we have been able to set our objectives, we can then re-focus and re-orient the efforts of the Organization towards those objectives. In the meantime, streamlining ongoing efficiency measures will continue. I think we should see change and reform and search for excellence as an ongoing process.

QUESTION: And the time-frame?

The SECRETARY-GENERAL ELECT: The time-frame? I hesitate to give a tight time-frame, but I would hope that within the first six months we should have some indication and outline of where all of us would want to move.

QUESTION: Cyprus is one of the main issues of the United Nations. Up to now they have not solved the problem at all. Do you have any special plans for this administration? Can you do anything to solve this problem?

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The SECRETARY-GENERAL ELECT: Let me say that Cyprus has not been a failure in the sense that we have succeeded on the peace-keeping side. The fighting has stopped. There are tensions periodically, but at least on the peace-keeping side the operation has been effective. The search for a political settlement continues, and recently other governments have become active in it -— the United Kingdom, the United States. We hope that, in the course of the first half of next year, we might be able to get them to have talks on settlement. Hopefully we will see a breakthrough, but I cannot promise that. It has been a long drawn-out situation. But efforts are being made, not just by the United Nations, but by some other groups. But we are coordinating our efforts.

QUESTION: With the new stage in Bosnia about to begin, the question has come up again about the gap between the International Criminal Tribunal's indictments and the lack of arrests on the ground. Would you be prepared, as has been suggested, to discuss or to have a discussion opened on the creation of some kind of a police force with greater power, or at least with power that is limited specifically to this issue?

The SECRETARY-GENERAL ELECT: Yes, the issue has come up often. I do not believe -— no, let me back off and say that I agree with you that in the Bosnian situation it is essential that criminals be brought to justice, and that, in a situation like that, justice and peace are indivisible. However, I am not sure that the United Nations IPTF, which has a limited mandate, is a force that we should turn to when we want to see the criminals arrested. For obvious reasons, IFOR, with its much superior force, has hesitated in doing so. We need to press the Governments in the region to cooperate. Here, I am talking about Serbia, Croatia and the Government of Bosnia, which, perhaps, has cooperated a bit more than the others. What is also important is that, at the London meeting, the international community made an offer of assistance contingent on the cooperation of the Governments with all aspects of Dayton and, in particular, on their cooperation with the Tribunal.

QUESTION: Two quick questions. You have been in the Organization for 30 years, in different positions. Surely you can now reveal a little bit. Over the years you must have said, "If I could have a little power -— the top job -— there is one thing that I would like to change." Some of your words about an open administration and clearing out the bureaucracy have been said by your predecessors. There must be something you can tell us now. Secondly, just to avoid any confusion such as has been associated with the comments of some of your predecessors at the beginning: Do you want a second term?

The SECRETARY-GENERAL ELECT: I have just been elected -— give me a break!

Let me turn to your first question. First of all, I never dreamt that I would have the top job, so I did not wonder what I would do if I got the top job. But let me say that my first priority is to set up a team, an effective

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group of men and women, who will manage this Organization with me. That is my first priority. I would also hope to be able to work in a harmonious manner with the Member States, both large and small, including the United States, France, Britain, China and Russia. I have worked well with all of them, and I will continue to do so. What I would hope to do during the period that I am in office is to work with the Member States and redefine the role of this Organization, and, perhaps, help prepare it for the twenty-first century.

QUESTION: I wanted to ask a practical and maybe a philosophical question. On reform, you have probably answered most of this before, but do you envision more layoffs in the next six months or so? And have you had extensive talks with the Americans about what they want in terms of reform?

The philosophical question is: Some critics think the United Nations is in some cases a front organization to cover the naked interests of a lot of the powerful nations on the Council. How do you account for that kind of criticism?

The SECRETARY-GENERAL ELECT: I would not argue with the fact that the United Nations can only be as strong as the Member States want it to be. In effect, we reflect the Member States, but having said that, there is a lot the Secretary-General and the Secretariat can do. We can put our independent views and advice before the Member States and sometimes warn them against certain risks that we run if we take a certain course. And if all the Member States got engaged, if all the Member States got involved and really took the issues seriously, things would move in the right direction. What I find a bit unfortunate is that, sometimes, many of the Member States are not as involved and as engaged in the activities of this Organization as they ought to be. They constantly seem to be surprised that things are happening around them. I plead with them to become engaged, to get involved and make their voices heard and play a role.

QUESTION: And what about layoffs?

THE SECRETARY-GENERAL ELECT: As for your first question about layoffs, I am not setting out with the objective of having to lay off staff, but if, as part of the restructuring and reform processes, some departures or separations are necessary, they will have to be made. But this should be done in a humane and sensitive manner, and the staff members will be given adequate notice and time. And I would hope that the staff will be part of the reform being put forward.

I do not think reform can be imposed as such. If you want reform to work, there has to be dialogue. You have to explain what you are about to the staff, to those who are going to be most affected by the reforms. You have to get them to accept the reforms as our reforms, as our programme for change,

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our programme for reform. You will do much better then. If you impose reform without dialogue, you will do well in the short term, but in the longer term you lose.

QUESTION: I would like to congratulate you in my capacity as United Nations Correspondents' Association President Elect for next year.

The SECRETARY-GENERAL ELECT: I congratulate you, Madame President.

QUESTION: Thank you very much. We appreciate very much your openness to the media. We look forward to frequent press conferences with you. And for our part, we hope to be professional, fair and very tough.

Today, the Arab Group submitted to the Security Council a request to meet on the question of Israeli settlements and their effects and possible serious consequences for peace in the region. As Secretary-General Elect, what is your position on the continuing Israeli policy of settlements, and do you see that you can do something as Secretary-General to arrest this development, particularly given that there are United Nations resolutions which declare the settlements illegal.

The SECRETARY-GENERAL ELECT: It is too early for me to give you my detailed policy on the situation in the Middle East. As you know, the United Nations is not directly involved in the peace process in the Middle East, but as Secretary-General I will use whatever influence or good offices I have to support that process. I was not aware of the initiative taken by the Arab States; I am seeing the Gulf States later this morning.

QUESTION: The Arab States requested a meeting of the Security Council only on the issue of the settlements, not on the peace process in general.

The SECRETARY-GENERAL ELECT: On the settlements issue, we have all read the statements made even by President Clinton that no initiative should be taken that should have a negative impact on the peace process, and I think that all peace-loving people would want to see the peace process move forward and therefore will encourage anyone to desist from taking any action that would have a negative impact.

QUESTION: There are two philosophies as far as the Middle East peace process is concerned. One is that the United Nations should be very involved in it, which is the philosophy of many nations. The other, which Israel and sometimes the United States subscribes to, is that the United Nations would be the extra cook that would spoil the broth. Israel feels that it has not had a fair shake at the United Nations for many years. Do you see any way for Israel to be more involved with the United Nations?

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The SECRETARY-GENERAL ELECT: Quite frankly, right now I do not see much greater United Nations involvement and I have not picked up your perception that there is a clamour around the world for the United Nations to become more involved. I know that there is a debate going on in the Middle East: If there were to be a peace agreement and an implementation force were to be required, should it be United Nations peace-keepers or should one use the multinational force model, such as that in Sinai between Israel and Egypt? That debate I know is going on but, on the negotiations side, we are not actively involved and I am not aware that anyone is clamouring for us to get actively involved.

QUESTION: As for the question about Israel and the United Nations, the relationship has been shaky, Israel has been [inaudible].

The SECRETARY-GENERAL ELECT: I think the relationship has been shaky, but we also saw a marked improvement following the signing of the Oslo peace agreement. It was wonderful to see the warmth of the relationship between the Israeli Ambassador and some of the Arab Ambassadors here, and the opening-up of contacts in the region, because there was a sense that peace was around the corner or that peace was possible. And that should be an encouragement for all those who are involved in this process for them to understand that, if we can compromise, if we can give a little and achieve peace, harmonious relationships with our neighbours make it all worthwhile.

QUESTION: This past 16 October, Mr. Louis Farrakhan spoke to 300,000 or more people in front of the United Nations and then later that day spoke here in this very press room to press correspondents. In your desire to make the United Nations less bureaucratic and more appealing to the general public, do you see a role that Minister Farrakhan can play in regard to mediating some of the peace processes in Africa and throughout the world?

The SECRETARY-GENERAL ELECT: I have not thought about that.

QUESTION: Are you optimistic that the "oil-for-food" deal is going to be implemented without any problem now? Do you think that there are still some problems?

The SECRETARY-GENERAL ELECT: My sense is that it will work. I think that people in this building -— and I must say, credit should go to Secretary- General Boutros Boutros-Ghali, who has done quite a lot of work -— would want to see it work. I think the Iraqi side would also want to see it work and I would want to see it work. I recall that I was the first to encourage the Iraqis to come to the table to discuss the oil-for-food deal and led the first United Nations team. I am really very happy that, at last, we are there. I am happy for the Iraqi people, particularly for the children, women and the needy in society.

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QUESTION: Are you planning to get personally involved in the efforts to break the deadlock over the Western Sahara referendum?

The SECRETARY-GENERAL ELECT: Yes. If necessary, I expect to get personally involved, and I think in recent months we have seen some movement where there have been talks between the parties. We should try and move it forward, and my personal involvement is not excluded.

QUESTION: My first question is: Will you be available for a second term? The second is: In what way, if any, will your administration be different from your predecessor's?

The SECRETARY-GENERAL ELECT: Let me give you a clear answer to the first question. Obviously, it is a question that is on the minds of a lot of people and it is not going to go away. I think you were all party to the discussions that took place during the elections, with the question of regional rotation and the number of terms each region should have or has had in the past. I think the historical pattern is there and is very clear, and the answer should be obvious to all of us. I do not intend to change any patterns.

You had a second question: How will my administration be different? I would hope to be able to establish an administration that works as a team in a collegial manner. I would hope to be able to delegate judiciously -— and that does not mean I would be giving up my responsibilities -— and of course, in delegating you have to apply the first rule of delegation: "Know thy staff". That is a key aspect of management. I will empower the staff to go out and work. They will make mistakes and mistakes will be made, but if they make honest and genuine mistakes, that is all right. I would expect to run an open administration.

QUESTION: You have been entrusted with peace-keeping for a number of years. We have had successes and failures. [inaudible] What major lessons have you drawn from past failures and successes?

The SECRETARY-GENERAL ELECT: That is a whole new discussion. We have learned from our mistakes and our failures in the area of peace-keeping. In fact, it was one of the reasons that pushed us to establish a "lessons- learned" unit. We have learnt -— and I think the Council has also -— that a clear mandate is necessary. We have learned that the resources must be commensurate with the tasks. We have learned that we should go into the theatre with a force and a force structure that is capable of carrying out its mandate and defending itself. We have learned, contrary to past hesitation, that intelligence is necessary and that we need to have solid political analysis to be able to, if not determine, then envision how the crisis is likely to develop and how we would act if it went in one direction or the other.

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It is also important that we explain to the public and to the media our mandate and why we are on the ground, what we are there to do and what we are not there to do. I think we did not do too well in Bosnia on the public- relations side.

We have also learned a lot from IFOR. IFOR has defined its mandate narrowly and clearly and has constantly repeated it and told the public what it will do and will not do. On the contrary, UNPROFOR was seen as being everything to everybody.

Finally, I think we should let the public, both within the country in which we are operating and outside it, understand why we are there and try to sustain their support. Without that support, things get difficult.

QUESTION: One of the co-winners of the Nobel Peace Prize this year, José Ramos Horta, suggested recently that, if there are no immediate results from the next round of talks between the Portuguese and Indonesian Foreign Ministers, which is to be held here in the next few days, the United Nations should qualitatively change its approach on the East Timor dispute. Do you feel, after 20 years, that there has been sufficient results in the United Nations own efforts, and if not, what sort of new tack do you think the United Nations should take to resolve the issue?

The SECRETARY-GENERAL ELECT: I think if you've tried something for 20 years and it hasn't worked, you probably need to look for something else: if not a drastic change, then some adjustment in the approach you have taken. I am not in a position to give you details as to what I will do, but I can assure you I will look at it very critically to see if there is something that we can do differently that will help move the process forward.

QUESTION: You've said publicly that you would like to see Japan and Germany admitted to the Security Council as permanent members. I'm wondering if that would include the full veto powers that the other five members have, and whether you think that this can be accomplished in the next five or possibly 10 years?

The SECRETARY-GENERAL ELECT: Let me clarify my position on the question of expansion of the Security Council. First of all, it's a matter for Member States to decide. But I do agree that the Security Council, as it exists today, by and large reflects the political and economic realities of 1945 and that it has to be brought into line with the realities of today.

What I have said is that, while it is generally agreed that Japan and Germany should join the Council, they cannot expect to get in alone. There are other countries around the world, in other regions, with legitimate aspirations, and if we are going to try to make this Organization a bit more democratic, then we will need to broaden the Council to reflect the realities

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of today. And so, I am not pushing for Germany or Japan; all that I'm saying is that there are clear indications that they will get in, but they are going in with others.

QUESTION: Canada and the Netherlands in 1993 proposed a standing United Nations force, available for crisis management on a very short-term basis. Will you, in your term of office, be encouraging these initiatives that they proposed? The second question is: What post do you plan to give to the French nationals?

The SECRETARY-GENERAL ELECT: I don't think we can have a standing United Nations army. The membership is not ready for that. There are financial questions and great legal issues as to which laws would apply and where it would be stationed. But short of having a standing United Nations army, we have taken initiatives that will perhaps help us achieve what we were hoping to get out of a standing army.

The real problem has been rapidity of deployment. We are now encouraging governments to set up rapidly deployable brigades and battalions that could be moved into the theatre very quickly, should the governments decide to participate in peace-keeping operations. A Government like Denmark's has set up a 5,000-man and woman brigade that could be deployed fairly quickly. It has indicated that the headquarters elements can be deployed within 48 hours and the bulk of the force within a month.

If we can encourage 12 or 20 Member States to do this, 12 or 20 Member States who will have the will to respond if the Council makes an appeal, we should be able to reduce considerably the time it takes us to deploy troops in the field.

As to what post the French will get, I don't know yet; but what I intend to do is to rotate posts as much as I can. I don't think any government should be allowed to assume that there is a post it inherits. Posts should not be inherited. So there will be some shifts and you will see governments that have held a post in one area for a long time being given something else. I have not decided what the French will get, but they will get an Under- Secretary-General post, as all the other Under-Secretaries-General have.

QUESTION: My question relates to Africa. The return of Mobutu Sese Seko to Zaire definitely complicates an already complicated situation. What would be your administration's response to the Great Lakes crisis?

With regard to West Africa, given the relative stature of Nigeria in that region as an anchor for stability, will your administration perhaps continue the engagement proposed by your predecessor and, possibly, expanding to some kind of a mediation role for resolving Nigeria's political crisis?

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The SECRETARY-GENERAL ELECT: You began by saying that President Mobutu's return to Zaire is going to make the situation worse. Others feel he is going to be the saviour. I do not know, but let me say that the situation in the Great Lakes region is one of great concern. We have seen large numbers of refugees returning to Rwanda. The Government is doing its best to absorb them and I think the international community should give them every assistance.

There have been efforts to organize a regional peace conference to bring all the leaders to the table. It may not yet be time, but it is essential and I will work towards that. As I said earlier, the only viable solutions are the political ones, and if we can engage the leaders in the region with the support of outside governments -— in Europe, America and the United Nations -- we may be able to contain the crisis. What we should seek to prevent is the spread of violence to neighbouring countries and I would hope that the action we saw in eastern Zaire would be limited, even though there are indications that there may be insurrections in other parts of Zaire. But we should do all we can to limit these conflicts.

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For information media. Not an official record.