ASSEMBLY PRESIDENT CALLS FOR APPOINTMENT OF HIGH COMMISSIONER FOR DEVELOPMENT OF AFRICA, AT SEMINAR FOR DIPLOMATS

29 July 1996

Press Release
GA/9079

ASSEMBLY PRESIDENT CALLS FOR APPOINTMENT OF HIGH COMMISSIONER FOR DEVELOPMENT OF AFRICA, AT SEMINAR FOR DIPLOMATS

19960729 Proposes Meeting on Debt Relief for Africa; Priority on Research on Development of Africa by UN University

Following is the text of the statement by General Assembly President Diogo Freitas do Amaral (Portugal) to the thirty-ninth International Seminar for Diplomats, with the theme "Africa: crisis and hope", in Salzburg, Austria, today:

I wish first to extend my thanks to the Government of Austria for the invitation so kindly addressed to me to attend this distinguished seminar.

Africa finds itself today in a dismal economic and political situation. Thirty-six years after 1960, the symbolic year of "Africa's independence", many African countries continue to experience serious difficulties in the process of consolidation of statehood. To some, the hopes and expectations raised by independence appear to have been dashed by an unrelenting chain of human oppression, internal conflicts, social fragmentation, economic dislocation and human tragedy. Fortunately, important achievements have also been made on the continent during this period. Decolonization has been, generally speaking, completed with the independence of Namibia in 1990. Apartheid has been brought to an end in South Africa through a peaceful and democratic process. Democratic reforms and a move towards more pluralistic systems of government are under way in some countries. Much progress has been made in the fields of education, health and the development of basic economic and social infrastructures.

The theme chosen for this seminar, "Africa: crisis and hope", is thus very relevant to deal with the African continent and its future. With the end of the cold war and the dramatic economic transformations that are affecting not only the former Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, but also major regions of the developing world, Africa is finding itself marginalized in world affairs and in the world economy. Much of the continent continues to be afflicted by persistent economic stagnation, mounting human misery, deep political instability and resurgent wars. Today, Africa's crisis poses one of the greatest challenges facing the United Nations system, and, indeed, the entire international community.

But we must refuse to succumb to "Afro-pessimism" or write off Africa as a hopeless case, because behind the image of the African continent as a continent of despair, reinforced by the existence of war-torn societies in Somalia, Rwanda, Burundi, Liberia and Angola, many positive examples exist as well of countries where a stable and participatory political climate has fostered national stability and economic growth.

We must note that, starting in late 1995, the main focus of attention of the United Nations Security Council has begun to shift away from the former Yugoslavia to the continent of Africa. Of the six peace-keeping missions authorized by the Council in Africa, only the operations in Angola, Liberia and Western Sahara remain. Since the withdrawal of the United Nations operation in Somalia, as a result of the lack of political will to cooperate for peace on the part of Somali parties, the Council has continued to monitor the situation in that country through the Nairobi-based United Nations Political Office for Somalia. The termination of the peace-keeping mission in Rwanda was also followed by the establishment of a small political office in Kigali. The Council is currently monitoring the very volatile political situations in Burundi, Liberia and Sierra Leone.

While most of the conflicts in Africa are primarily internal, they continue to have major implications for the security and stability of the subregions concerned. The fighting in Monrovia in April/May and the resulting flight of Liberian refugees to neighbouring countries in west Africa is only the most recent reminder of this phenomenon. The ethnic tensions in Rwanda and Burundi continue to have serious political and humanitarian implications for the Great Lakes subregion, and consequently great importance has been attached to the continuation of mediation efforts, as well as efforts to convene a regional conference for peace, security and development in the Great Lakes region with a view to a global settlement of existing problems. In its actions on African questions, the United Nations continues to cooperate closely with the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and the subregional Economic Community of West African States which sent a force to Liberia.

Against this background of internal conflict in Africa, I would like to give a few examples of what the United Nations has done on the continent, and by the same token, correct some distorted perceptions. Let me begin with Somalia, where the efforts of the Organization to end human suffering, foster reconciliation among the warring factions and promote national reconstruction led to one of the most challenging, arduous undertakings in the United Nations 50-year history. Mounted in 1992 in conditions of exceptional complexity, in a country where all organs of government had collapsed, the operation in Somalia was called upon to deal with a devastating famine and a brutal civil war which, collectively, claimed the lives of at least 300,000 people. The response of the United Nations was far-reaching and system-wide, involving peacemaking, peace-keeping, peace-enforcement and peace-building. The experience thus provided important lessons for the international community in

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fashioning policies and instruments for dealing with future conflicts involving "failed States", humanitarian emergencies and situations in which armed groups fail to cooperate in efforts to end violence and negotiate a peaceful settlement of their differences.

In the end, the failure of the Somali factions to commit themselves to peace or to cooperate adequately with the United Nations and its agencies made it impossible for the operation to carry out its mandate fully. Nevertheless, the United Nations response to the crisis in Somalia was unprecedented in numerous aspects, and it represented one of the rare cases in which an international military force was deployed in large measure to deal with a humanitarian crisis. But the most dramatic accomplishment of the United Nations involvement and that of its non-governmental organization partners in Somalia was the success in defeating the famine. At its peak in 1992, the magnitude of human suffering in Somalia was overwhelming. Out of a total estimated population of 8 million, approximately 4.5 million Somalis required urgent external assistance. Of those, some 1.5 million people were at immediate risk of starvation, including 1 million children. By securing the main airport and harbors in Somalia, and by providing security for food distribution centres and humanitarian relief convoys, the United Nations succeeded in delivering food and other relief supplies to famine-stricken populations throughout the south and the centre of the country. More than 250,000 lives are estimated to have been saved during the famine emergency.

In Mozambique, the United Nations Operation in Mozambique was a complex operation, involving peace-keeping, the demobilization of armed forces, the provision of humanitarian relief, electoral support and the return of millions of refugees. One of its most important aspects was the emphasis placed on peace-building, in helping to ensure that the laying down of guns would create a durable peace. The Organization's unprecedented endeavours were concentrated not only on its oversight of the electoral process, but also on channelling efforts by the international community to strengthen the organizational capability of political parties contesting the election. Although both the General Peace Agreement and the ONUMOZ mandate were successfully implemented, a number of concerns remain. These include, on the security front, the continuing need to train and equip the new integrated armed forces and to collect and dispose of all hiding places of weapons. There is also a need to strengthen Mozambique's democratic institutions and to promote economic and social reconstruction so that peace, democracy and development can be sustained.

The United Nations agenda for peace clearly identified preventive diplomacy as a priority. In societies where the government and civil society maintain a dialogue and have opportunities and outlets for resolving differences and accommodating changes, major social and political disruptions are unlikely to occur. In the event of conflict, peaceful solutions can be pursued through dialogue and mediation at various levels of society. Early

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warning systems and vulnerability analyses are essential in detecting and preventing conflict.

In this framework, the Organization's capacity for preventive diplomacy and peacemaking, including early warning and good offices, has been strengthened, in particular in Africa, where notable successes have been achieved privately and quietly. I can cite here the case of Mali where the Organization's help has been crucial in securing an agreement between the Government and the Tuareg factions. Other examples are Libya and Chad, Yemen and Eritrea, Nigeria and Cameroon.

Beyond crisis in Africa, there is hope. One of its main symbols is the general evolution of the African continent towards democratization. As of today, only a handful of African countries have not experienced some type of opening towards political pluralism in the last five years. The examples of successful transitions to multi-party democracy are numerous: Zambia, Mali, Madagascar, Lesotho, Cape Verde, Sao Tome, Seychelles, Central African Republic, Namibia, Zimbabwe, to cite a few.

Africa's great political problem in the 1990s is not how to get rid of the one-party form of government, but how to marry democratization with African culture and values. As a matter of fact, African governments are defining and implementing political pluralism in different ways.

This evolution has been accompanied and supported by the United Nations through the establishment of the Electoral Assistance Division within the Secretariat. Let me give you a few examples of what is done currently in this essential field. The United Nations has or will provide technical assistance to the electoral authorities in Benin, in the Comoros, in Côte d'Ivoire, in Guinea, in Sierra Leone, in the United Republic of Tanzania, in Chad, in the Gambia, in Uganda, in the Niger and in Zaire. If the situation in Liberia improves, the United Nations will undoubtedly assist there also in organizing elections.

I wish to stress that the experience of a country like Mali demonstrates the successes that can be achieved through enlightened leadership and political commitment. Equally, the 1996 elections in Sierra Leone augur well for the future, as the 65 per cent turn out at the polls demonstrated the conviction of the population that peace was the only option and negotiations with the rebel force have commenced.

Beyond electoral assistance, the United Nations has expanded its range of support for democratization processes in Africa to transformation of liberation movements into political parties, transition to multi-party systems, civic education, monitoring media access, supporting the development of independent media, creating and strengthening democratic structures of government, fostering respect for human rights and the rule of law, de- politicizing military establishments, and helping institution-building for social development.

Africa often baffles the world by continually giving the international community reasons for alternating between hope and discouragement. Some short-term indicators may appear satisfactory. For example, in 1995, the growth of total output on the continent reached its highest level in six

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years. Moreover, some countries, owing primarily to economic policy reforms, have seen their gross domestic product increase in the past few years.

But the structural weaknesses are there, and, in many cases, they are becoming more critical. The Food and Agriculture Organization said in a report published this June that some 22 million people in the sub-Saharan Africa faced food emergencies ranging from shortages to starvation. Just before the "Group of Seven" summit in Lyon, the OAU appealed to leaders of the leading industrialized nations for debt relief for African States totalling $313 billion. In addition to 7 million refugees in Africa, there are more than 20 million displaced persons in their own countries on the continent, placing a huge burden on several States, notably in central and western Africa.

The current improvement in growth rates is still much too small to compensate for the lag accumulated over 15 years of economic decline. Economic performance is disappointing, even in countries that have made substantial reforms. In 1994, for instance, two African countries, Angola and Eritrea, were added by the General Assembly to the group of least developed countries. At the same time, only Botswana moved out of that category.

Among the factors hindering Africa's development, one can mention inadequate infrastructures, weak institutions, poorly utilized human resources, a great vulnerability to natural and climatic disasters and the impact of unfavourable terms of trade. To this must be added the debt burden, runaway population growth and environmental deterioration. Twenty-five per cent of the arid lands in Africa, for instance, are today experiencing soil degradation. That is the highest percentage in the world.

Furthermore, we all know that institutional and political instability, persistent tensions and incessant confrontations are major obstacles to development. Indeed, while there can be no peace without development, it is also not possible to have sustainable development without peace. Conflicts help to produce poverty, and poverty is itself an undeniable factor in conflict. This vicious circle has to be broken.

For years now, the United Nations system has been trying to overcome these difficulties and promote Africa's development. Within the whole spectrum of United Nations agencies and programmes, action is being stepped up with that goal in mind. The World Food Programme, the Economic Commission for

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Africa, the United Nations Development Programme, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, the United Nations Children's Fund, and most of the specialized agencies are sparing no effort to bring help to the continent by way of technical, financial and humanitarian assistance.

But it is necessary to go further to meet the increasingly pressing needs of African men and women. This is why the Organization has made the development of Africa one of its priorities for the 1990s.

Against this background, the System-wide Special Initiative on Africa was launched by the Secretary-General. This arose from a growing concern of a loss of development support for Africa at a time when overall opportunities for development were indeed improving. The Initiative is based on the belief that increased action to support the effort of countries in pursuit of sustainable growth and people-centred development must become a priority.

A number of significant actions by the United Nations General Assembly on Africa and the singling out of Africa's development crisis at virtually all United Nations-sponsored summits and major development conferences resulted in an increase in the mandates on Africa. In 1994-1995, the heads of United Nations agencies examined various options for actions. Early in 1995, five inter-agency task forces were established to explore selected actions which United Nations agencies and the Bretton Woods institutions could take to accelerate Africa's development. Consultations culminated in an expression of interest for a "system-wide" initiative.

The Special Initiative on Africa was simultaneously launched in 19 capitals and centres in Africa, Europe and North America on 15 March. It is a set of concrete and coordinated actions aiming at maximizing support for development in Africa. Accordingly, the United Nations family has committed itself to work in a synergetic fashion to achieve that goal. The Initiative also calls for a change in the way development assistance is provided to African countries, by deepening ownership of the agenda. The Initiative, therefore, responds to priorities set out by African leaders and reflected in the Cairo Agenda, adopted by the June 1995 OAU summit. It gives practical expression to the policy commitments made in the past, such as the United Nations Plan of Action for African Economic Recovery and Development and the United Nations New Agenda for the Development of Africa in the 1990s. As a framework, the Initiative also addresses the needs of countries with special development situations, linking post-conflict recovery with development requirements.

The Initiative's main priorities are organized in the following clusters:

-- Education: with the objective of achieving universal education by the year 2010;

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-- Health: sector reforms are geared to improve health service delivery systems and provide better coverage for the population at large. It also includes a fight against malaria, HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis and other major epidemics;

-- Food security: this cluster regroups priority actions in the areas of land degradation and desertification control, soil quality improvement and irrigation;

-- Water: the objective for this sector is to assure sustainable and equitable freshwater distribution; and

-- Governance: this cluster will provide strategies and support for peace-building, conflict resolution and national reconciliation. Implementation of this component will eventually lead to the strengthening of the OAU's capacity in peace-building, and that of civil society organizations for peace-building and communications in the same area.

Other components of the Initiative include information technology for development, assistance and employment generation to combat poverty, debt relief and improved trade access. Internal resource mobilization is key to sustainable development and, in that respect, the ongoing efforts of African countries will be fully supported by the Initiative.

While the cumulative financial resources required for implementation of the Special Initiative are substantial -- estimated at close to $25 billion over a 10-year period -- the lion's share of this amount will come from a reordering of priorities in African national budgets and from a reallocation of existing levels of multilateral and bilateral official development assistance. The World Bank has agreed to lead the resource mobilization drive for the Initiative, which will be achieved through sound sector investment programmes utilizing consultative groups and round-table mechanisms.

In Africa, the transition from a statist economy to a market economy as well as from an authoritarian society to a multi-party democratic society, is a tenuous process facing internal opposition from political and economic élites of the ancien régime and leaving the economy more vulnerable to external market shocks. Added to this inherent difficulty to the democratization process is the inherited handicaps of past economic policies, which block the development process. Foremost of these handicaps are Africa's external and internal debt burden. The cost of past policies continues to manifest itself also in the continent's lack of infrastructure; the widening gap between the haves and have-nots, and reduced environmental resources.

As the twenty-first century approaches, Africa, in close cooperation with the United Nations and the international community, must find a mechanism through which it can integrate itself into the global economy. It is commonly

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accepted that Africa's staggering debt problem, persistent political instability, lack of adequate trade opportunities, and other obstacles must be aggressively tackled if that continent is to emerge as a viable partner in the global community. To compete in the world's markets, Africa also needs to accelerate its process of investing in human capital. Social and human development, therefore, should no longer be looked at as a subsidiary goal, but rather as a priority. Each African country needs to establish a comprehensive action plan with a focus on strengthening democratic institutions, reforming economic policies and investing in human capital. The international community, in turn, must fully support Africa in achieving these objectives by relieving obstacles, such as the external debt burden, that prohibit African countries from tackling these policy priorities.

The Special Initiative on Africa is the official policy of the United Nations towards Africa. I commend and support that policy.

But we certainly need to do something more concrete and more political. My own personal proposals are three:

-- First, to instruct the United Nations University in Tokyo to give first priority to research and debate on the development of Africa;

-- Second, to ask the Secretary-General to appoint immediately a high commissioner for the development of Africa; and

-- Third, to convene an emergency meeting of all creditors to find a short-term decision on debt relief for Africa.

If we begin to address the problems with a very pragmatic, concrete, action-oriented approach, I do believe we will see some changes pretty soon.

If we do it properly and urgently, and if we do commit ourselves to the main priorities, I think that there still will be hope for Africa.

If we support Africa as it deserves to be supported, Africa's prospects may well be realized within the next decades.

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