REPRESENTATIVE OF DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO CALLS ON INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY TO GET MORE INVOLVED IN CRISIS IN HIS COUNTRY
Press Release
GA/9550
REPRESENTATIVE OF DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO CALLS ON INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY TO GET MORE INVOLVED IN CRISIS IN HIS COUNTRY
19990324 As General Assembly Concludes Consideration of Armed Aggression against Democratic Republic of CongoAs it had condemned the guilty parties in the Rwandan genocide with one voice, the international community must condemn those responsible for massacres occurring now, the representative of the Democratic Republic of the Congo told the General Assembly this afternoon, as it concluded its consideration of armed aggression against that country.
Speaking in exercise of the right of reply, he said that he had been told by his Government today of a new massacre, where more than 200 were killed in the Kivu region of the country, in addition to the massacre of about 100 several days ago. He called for the international community to get more involved in the crisis in his country, and to assist it to get through this difficult period so it could perform its responsibilities as a sovereign State.
The representative of Zambia said that the time had come for common sense to prevail. The continued conflict was degrading the power of the Congolese Government to provide for its citizens. National resources were being diverted to war instead of being spent to reduce poverty and improve the living standards of the people.
He called on the parties to think seriously about the untold suffering of men, women, children and the elderly, which the war had brought about. They had to realize the long-term negative impact and damage that continued conflict would have on the Democratic Republic's social, economic, and political development. President Chiluba's efforts on behalf of the Southern African Development Community (SADC), and those of the Organization of African Unity (OAU), deserved support.
The representative of Sudan said that the main obstacle to peace was the tragedy that the continent was experiencing as a result of the actions of some of its leaders, who used malevolent strategies that ran counter to the
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interest of the continent -- of which Uganda was the best example. The Ugandan regime was hegemonic and expansionist. He condemned Uganda's aggression and hoped the international community would face its responsibility and compel it to withdraw its forces and respect the sovereignty of the Democratic Republic.
In other matters this afternoon, with regard to the closing date of the current session and the opening date of the fifty-fourth session, the Assembly's Acting President, Gian Nicola Filippi Balestra (San Marino), informed delegations that consultations were still taking place, and urged them to reach a consensus as soon as possible.
Statements were also made by the representatives of Slovenia, Libya, Zimbabwe, Benin and Comoros.
The representatives of Burundi, Uganda, Rwanda and Sudan also spoke in exercise of the right of reply.
The Assembly will meet again at a date to be announced.
Assembly Work Programme
The General Assembly met this afternoon to continue consideration of its agenda item on armed aggression against the Democratic Republic of the Congo. It commenced its discussion of the item yesterday [see Press Release GA/9549 of 23 March].
Statements
ELFATIH MOHAMED AHMED ERWA (Sudan) said that the Democratic Republic of the Congo was a brother African country to Sudan, and Sudan was directly affected by events taking place there. The title of the agenda item was clear and straightforward -- aggression against a sovereign State and a member of the United Nations. That act had been confirmed by admissions of the aggressors themselves. The Charter said States must abstain from the use or threat of force to resolve disputes. They must use peaceful means. Aggressors could not use security reasons to justify their aggression. Aggression was a crime and could not be justified in any way whatsoever.
Africa more than ever needed peace and development to help people who had suffered so much from war, he said. The main obstacle to peace was the tragedy that the continent was experiencing as a result of the actions of some of its leaders, who used malevolent strategies that ran counter to the interest of the continent. The Uganda region was the best example. Those leaders dreamed of empire, and acted to the detriment of theirs and neighbouring people. The representative of Zimbabwe had been right when, speaking about Uganda in the Security Council, he had said that a new personality had arisen in Africa and was trying to reproduce the strategy and actions of Hitler.
He said the Ugandan regime was hegemonic and expansionist. It had behaved similarly in the Sudan, supporting rebels for its own purposes and justifying that as a security measure. He condemned Uganda's aggression and hoped the international community would face its responsibility and compel it to withdraw its forces and respect the sovereignty of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Respect for the Democratic Republic of the Congo's sovereignty and territorial integrity were the only way to restore peace and security in that country.
DANILO TURK (Slovenia) said the analysis and conclusion reached in the Assembly could provide significant assistance to the Security Council in its search for an appropriate approach to the complicated issues confronting the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The situation in that country was one of armed conflict characterized by human suffering and grave humanitarian problems. It involved the fundamental principles of international law and affected the long-term stability of a large part of Africa.
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The situation had deteriorated seriously in August 1998 when the rebellion gained large proportions, he said. Military interference by two neighbouring States, while motivated by genuine security concerns, had transformed the crisis into a regional threat to international peace and security. Subsequent military assistance by other countries in the region had not contributed to a solution. Indeed, a military solution was very unlikely.
He said the military action of the two neighbouring States against the Government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo represented a serious challenge to the basic principles of international law. The States concerned must be called upon to respect the principles of sovereignty and territorial integrity in accordance with the United Nations Charter.
The African leaders, with the assistance of the OAU and the Secretary- General of the United Nations, should redouble their efforts for an early ceasefire, he went on. That would require direct talks between the Government and the rebels. A ceasefire would open the way to address all the other problems faced by the people of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The United Nations should be ready to assist, when the time comes, to maintain the end of hostilities and help stabilize and normalize the situation in that country and in the region.
He drew attention to the allegations of massacres and crimes against humanity, committed in the Democratic Republic of the Congo in 1996 and 1997. The task of investigating them must be fulfilled, he said. Statutory limitations did not apply to crimes against humanity. He strongly condemned all human rights violations in the current conflict, as well as the massacres of civilians, which since last August had taken place mostly in the South Kivu province.
Further, he said a spread of genocide must not be tolerated. The establishment in that country of the Ministry of Human Rights had demonstrated the readiness of the Government to act. Also welcome was its cooperation with the Secretary-General's Special Rapporteur. The Government also should redouble its efforts to strengthen the legal system. An impartial, credible and effective judiciary would make possible progress in the area of human rights.
For its part, the international community should strongly encourage dialogue among regional leaders, he said. In that regard, his country strongly supported the proposal by France of an international conference concerning the Great Lakes region. The conference should not be perceived as a single event, but as part of a process aimed at addressing all the critical issues in that region. Security and power-sharing issues should also be debated.
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ISA AYAD BABAA (Libya) said that the conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo had threatened to spread, leading to a long crisis that jeopardized policy elsewhere in the African continent. He paid tribute to the efforts made by the OAU and the Southern African Development Community (SADC), especially those of President Chiluba of Zambia, to resolve the crisis. The plight of African nations were the natural result of history and geography. Africa's history was one of foreign occupation and foreign rule. Borders had been drawn according to the interests of the colonialists. Libya had spared no effort to grapple with the problem. National restoration and reconciliation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo had to take place outside of any foreign circles.
The President of Libya had called for many meetings, he said. Many African leaders had attended those meetings, with the coordination of the Organization of African Unity (OAU). The summit held in September in Libya had issued a communiqué, which called for an African force to replace the troops in the Congo. As a result of Libya's initiatives, one of the main obstacles to resolving the problem had been overcome -- to hold a preparatory meeting among the Congolese parties. That had broken the deadlock and fostered dialogue among the parties concerned. It had been possible for the summit to discuss the problem at the highest African level. While a number of African meetings had been held to find a solution, none had led to a ceasefire.
The following represented Libya's position on the issue, he said. First, the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Democratic Republic of the Congo had to be respected. Second, African problems had to be resolved through dialogue and negotiations, and not through the use of force. Third, other countries should cease to interfere in that process. Fourth, an African solution should be found to the problem within the OAU framework. Fifth, an African force should be established to keep the peace in the Congo, ensure borders, and prevent a humanitarian disaster. Finally, Libya supported the holding of a regional peace conference among the countries concerned, under the auspices of the OAU. The United Nations, especially the Security Council, should seek solutions that supported the OAU's proposals, including providing resources.
MISHECK MUCHETWA (Zimbabwe) said that the caution against holding elections for the sake of elections underscored one point -- after decades of "Mobutu's misrule", the Congo possessed neither the institutions nor the capacity to immediately sustain a plural political dispensation. When Laurent Kabila took over in May 1997, the country's social, economic and political institutions were non-existent. It was absurd that one year after attaining power, Mr. Kabila was accused of dictatorial tendencies, and a military attempt from outside had attempted to oust him from office.
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When the investigation of the Democratic Republic of the Congo started in August last year, there were denials from Uganda and Rwanda that their forces were in the country, he said. Now, there was a new tune that those two countries had signed an agreement with President Kabila to station their forces in the eastern parts of the country in order to flush out rebels. The allied forces were sent to the Democratic Republic of the Congo, however, after an SADC investigative team led by Zambia, United Republic of Tanzania and Zimbabwe had concluded that the crisis in the east was not a rebellion, but an invasion by Uganda and Rwanda.
He said there now were seven external military forces engaged in the conflict. While Uganda, Rwanda and Burundi had invaded the Congo, an allied defence force -- Angola, Chad, Namibia and Zimbabwe -- had entered the country at the request of the Kinshasa Government, recognized by all countries in eastern and southern Africa. Meanwhile, the current governments of Uganda, Rwanda and Burundi had not faced the test of democratic, multi-party elections, but had assumed power by military means. By contrast, the southern African nations that supported President Kabila were ruled by Governments that had won multi-party elections accepted as free and fair and representative.
Indeed, he said the "invading States" had not been at peace with themselves since their respective militaries seized power in 1986 and 1994, and the political opposition was getting increasingly restless at their refusal to hold democratic elections. Their systems of government ranged from pure military regimes to "no-party" systems. Although international criticism had been muted by the high-profile support those enjoyed from the international financial institutions, they faced armed opposition from supporters of other political parties and proponents of multi-party democracy, who had no other means of expression.
A "conspiracy of silence" might be strong language, he said, but the fact remained that the world community had been largely uncritical of the lack of democracy in Uganda, Rwanda and Burundi, while vocal in its criticism of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The Presidents of the invading States had apparently seen no contradiction in putting their names to a communiqué calling for democratic elections in the Congo.
He said another issue that merited mention was the question of those other massacres in the eastern part of the country. Those events had gotten President Kabila's Government into "hot water" with the United Nations and western Governments when he refused access to human rights officials. The victims of the massacres were ethnic Hutu refugees who had fled Rwanda and who might have included perpetrators of the 1994 genocide, but eyewitness accounts indicated that may were women, children, and elderly persons. It was now clear that those were the target of Rwandan Government forces and that President Kabila was merely protecting his erstwhile allies from embarrassment and retribution.
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Responding to a call made in the Assembly that President Kabila should engage in direct talks with the rebels of the so-called Congolese Rally for Democracy, he said the recent resignation of one of the founding members and Vice-President, claiming that the movement was not democratic, only confirmed that the group was neither Congolese nor democratic. Meanwhile, in the eastern Congo, the coalition of Rwanda and Uganda was continuing to fortify its presence. The build-up was reportedly in preparation for a major military offensive targeted at Mbandaka, Lubumbashi and Mbuji Mayi.
He said the Rwandan and Ugandan military preparations were bolstered by events unfolding in northern Angola, where the RCD rebel leader had joined forces with UNITA and battling the Angolan government forces. The massive infusion of arms had scuttled any hope that Uganda and Rwanda were interested in a peaceful end to the conflict. While the aggressors might appreciate that scoring an outright military victory was out of the question, they hoped that the current stalemate was in their favour.
Both Uganda and Rwanda were interested in a protracted conflict because the very nature of their Governments made it impossible for them to survive outside a war situation, he said. Indeed, one of the fundamental causes of the conflicts in the Great Lakes countries -- Burundi, Uganda, and Rwanda -- was the refugee-creating politics of exclusion practised by the ruling cliques. Those three countries were also led by military or pseudo-military regimes, averse to democracy. Thus, the Eastern Congo coalition was comfortable with a drawn-out war to justify the postponement of democratic governance. An end to the war in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, on the other hand, would motivate an end of the wars in their individual countries. If elections were to follow, then their survival in power might not be guaranteed.
FASSASSI A. YACOUBOU (Benin) said it was distressing that, despite the attention given and resources applied to the conflict over the last few months, the conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo still existed. The conflict was one of the most serious threats to peace in the Great Lakes region and an obstacle to Africa's development. The people of the Democratic Republic of the Congo only sought peace and development, having already paid a heavy toll for war. The conflict was, first and foremost, political, and therefore, Benin favoured a negotiated solution involving a ceasefire, national reconciliation and a negotiated mechanism for peacemaking. Those three elements required dialogue and consultation -- the best way to settle conflict, whatever the scale and motivations underlying it.
The Lusaka process was a significant endeavour that should be properly supported, he said. Signing a ceasefire would probably lead to an end to the conflict, and laying down weapons was a necessary condition for dialogue. He welcomed the proposed national debate, which aimed to bring all people together to collectively think about the future of the nation. The
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international community should support that proposal. The only struggle worth pursuing in Africa today was development. A return to peace was a necessity for improved economic development in the Great Lakes region. Economic development would be nothing but wishful thinking if parties refused the call to dialogue.
PETER L. KASANDA (Zambia) said that the continued conflict was degrading the power of the Congolese Government to provide for its people. National resources were being diverted to war instead of being spent to reduce poverty and improve the living standards of the people. The humanitarian situation was worsening each passing day. Zambia had received some 15,000 refugees in the last three weeks alone. The time had come for common sense to prevail.
The debate in the Security Council demonstrated that President Chiluba's efforts on behalf of SADC, and those of the OAU, should be allowed to continue, he said. Only negotiations could end the war. In that regard, the need for confidence-building measures among all the parties concerned was necessary and urgent. The sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Democratic Republic of the Congo were not negotiable. The hurdles that remained in the way of a negotiated solution were not insurmountable. In interstate relations, nothing was impossible if there was the desire and political will to give and take, and move forward.
He called on the parties to think seriously about the untold suffering of men, women, children and the elderly, which the war had brought about. They had to realize the long-term negative impact and damage that continued conflict would have on the Democratic Republic of the Congo's social, economic, and political development. Peace there could not be divorced from peace and security in the wider region. In that regard, Zambia supported the holding, at an appropriate time, of an international conference on peace, security and development in the Great Lakes region under the auspices of the United Nations and the OAU.
MAHMOUD MOHAMED ABOUD (Comoros) said that Africa had been torn apart by war and economic disparities, which required adequate attention by the international community. With regard to the Democratic Republic of the Congo, armed conflict would not solve the problem entirely. Only a ceasefire would enable the country to achieve a peaceful settlement. During the conflict, human rights had been trampled on and there was also the problem of displacement. Efforts had to be taken to return peace to the region. The efforts of the OAU and the SADC had to be supported.
He hoped that the United Nations would become further involved. First, a ceasefire was necessary, so that parties could negotiate effectively, leading to a final solution. However, the modalities for such a ceasefire still needed to be established. Second, security and stability in the region had to be secured. Also, the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the
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Democratic Republic of the Congo and other States had to be respected. That was why other countries involved had to withdraw immediately. Dialogue had to be established within the Democratic Republic of the Congo so that all sectors could reach a national consensus.
The Comoros supported the holding of an international conference on peace in the Great Lakes region, under the auspices of the United Nations and the OAU, he said. Security and development in the region would bring political and economic stability to the Democratic Republic of the Congo. His country, since its independence, had been subject to economic and political instability, as well as an internal rebellion assisted by outsiders. He appealed to the entire international community to spare no effort in bringing about restoration of territorial integrity to the Comoros. That was essential for economic prosperity and regional stability. Finally, with regard to the Democratic Republic of the Congo, he hoped the Secretary-General would spare no effort, with the help of the OAU, in finding a peaceful settlement to that conflict.
Rights of Reply
GAMALIEL NDARUZANIYE (Burundi), speaking in exercise of the right of reply, said that the representative of the Democratic Republic of the Congo had mentioned Burundi eight times in his presentation. He wished to ensure there was no confusion about Burundi's position. Burundi had no ambitions for conquest or political guardianship of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Rather it wanted stability for that country. It remained concerned over the security situation of the Democratic Republic, with which it shared a western border. As its representatives had stated previously, Burundi was not involved in, but was concerned about the conflict. It would continue to ensure its security was not threatened.
Burundi supported a political solution, he said. That all parties had publically committed to seek peace was encouraging. He was concerned about the hodge podge alliances of militias in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The solution to that internal conflict -- and it really was an internal conflict -- was a dialogue of all people, and discussions with neighbours about security of borders. On many points understanding had been reached, and where differences still existed it would be reached. An international peace conference on the Great Lakes region, with a substantial and deep agenda, was a good idea.
ANDRE MWAMBA KAPANGA (Democratic Republic of the Congo) said the international community had long been involved in attempts to solve problems in the Congo basin. It was discussing armed aggression against the Democratic Republic of the Congo today, because the consequences of that aggression were appalling. To end it, the whole of mankind must mobilize as in the past. The responsibility for recent massacres must not be laid at the door of the
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Government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. As it had condemned the guilty parties in the Rwanda genocide with one voice, the international community must condemn those responsible for massacres occurring now. He had been told by his Government today of a new massacre, where more than 200 were killed in the Kivu region of eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo, in addition to the massacre of about 100 several days ago.
He asked the Assembly not to be distracted by the embroidery of the speeches of the aggressors. For example, it had been claimed that the Democratic Republic of the Congo President persecuted people on ethnic grounds and banished them, but the example given was a man from the same ethnic group as the President. In speaking again he sought, by shedding light on the situation, to convince the international community to get more involved in the crisis, and to assist his country to get through a difficult period so it could perform its responsibilities as a sovereign State.
MATIA MULUMBA SEMAKULA KIWANUKA (Uganda), reiterating his country's position, said that Uganda was committed to searching for a peaceful solution to the crisis. Uganda had no territorial ambitions on Congolese territory. It was important that some statements made in the Assembly be refuted. The fact was that Uganda did not have, and had never offered, military bases for those fighting against its neighbours. On the contrary, Sudan had offered bases for those fighting against Uganda. Sudan had provided security for the Lord's Resistance Army.
He said that Sudan and Zimbabwe had made allegations about Uganda's leadership, including that it was led by an oppressive regime, which had refused to hold democratic elections. Uganda was not a democracy, but it was proud of its democratic tradition. During the last 13 years, the country had held elections and had an inclusive government. It had a free press -- to the extent that anyone could call the President names and not be locked up. He could not challenge the delegations, which had made the allegations, but he could invite them to Uganda to see for themselves the level of freedom Ugandans had enjoyed during the last 13 years under the present government. One speaker had referred to President Yoweri Museveni as an admirer of Hitler. That comment could not be dignified with a response.
The United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF), Human Rights Watch and other non-governmental organizations had stated that Ugandan children had been abducted into Sudan and sold into slavery, he continued. Those were facts. His Government could not be accused of manufacturing falsehoods. There was a war in southern Sudan. Uganda was not responsible for that war. He appealed to the Assembly to support the ongoing peaceful initiatives undertaken by the OAU, SADC and Libya, so that peace and tranquillity could reign in his region, and especially in the Democratic Republic of the Congo.
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PATRICK MAZIMHAKA (Rwanda) said that he had wanted to correct some falsehoods about his country. Rwanda had been accused of exclusion. He reminded speakers that by 1994, Rwanda had millions of refugees, that had been thrown out by the previous Government. Within two years, they had been repatriated. If there was exclusion, it was not by the current Government. Rwanda had eight political parties in Parliament and five political parties formed the current coalition Government. Rwanda respected the sovereignty and territorial integrity of its neighbours and expected them to do the same. His country supported the peace efforts enshrined in the Lusaka process, led by President Chiluba. The only way to solve the crisis was in a peaceful manner.
MOHAMED MUSTAFA M. AHMED (Sudan) said that he wanted to reply to the claims of Uganda, who had tried to hoodwink and delude the delegates by presenting a series of lies to justify its invasion of the Democratic Republic. The issue was clear and had to do with Uganda's invasion of the Democratic Republic. He wanted to know what Sudan's relation was to that. Uganda had wanted to drag Sudan into the conflict. Uganda had recently claimed that it did not provide bases for the rebels of southern Sudan. Sudan wanted to challenge him to deny that Uganda had hosted the meeting of military resistance groups to wreak havoc on the Sudanese Government.
Uganda claimed that it had no expansionist ambitions in the Democratic Republic, he continued. The President of Uganda and his circles were a bunch of corrupt people seeking to plunder the riches of the Democratic Republic. The whole world was fully aware of the corruption that was rife there. That was the democracy that Uganda was flaunting. The crisis in the Democratic Republic had to be solved through dialogue and negotiations. Uganda's support of the rebellion was clear, but its representative went on with his lies. Aggression was aggression. He reiterated Sudan's condemnation of that aggression and called on Uganda to withdraw its forces from the Democratic Republic.
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