TRANSCRIPT OF PRESS CONFERENCE BY SECRETARY-GENERAL KOFI ANNAN AT HEADQUARTERS, 14 DECEMBER

Press Release
SG/SM/6837/Rev.1*

TRANSCRIPT OF PRESS CONFERENCE BY SECRETARY-GENERAL KOFI ANNAN AT HEADQUARTERS, 14 DECEMBER

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* Re-issued for technical reasons.

THE SECRETARY-GENERAL: Good morning, ladies and gentlemen. I am sorry to have kept you waiting a little bit. I just came from the dentist's chair to come and face you. So you can see, I am a glutton for punishment. Nevertheless, I am sure you will be merciful this morning given what I have just told you.

Incredibly enough, this year, my second as Secretary-General, has gone even faster than the first. I suppose it has been even more eventful. I thought it would be useful to meet you all before the holidays, to take stock and to look ahead.

Many of the headline events in which I_have been personally involved have, as usual, been issues of war and peace -- in Africa, the Balkans, Afghanistan and, above all, Iraq. The world has also been shaken by the nuclear tests in South Asia. But I_am glad to say that there have also been some more welcome events, which are the fruit of strenuous efforts over a long period. I would mention, in particular, the agreement on the Statute of the International Criminal Court; the entry into force of the Ottawa landmine ban; the elections and formation of a new coalition Government in Cambodia, which has just resumed its seat in the General Assembly; and, of course, last week's celebration of the fiftieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

But the drama that has affected most people, all around the world, has been the Asian financial crisis. At least, that's what we were calling it a year ago. By now we all realize that it_is neither only Asian nor only financial. It affects almost the whole world, although in different ways. And it has affected whole economies, indeed whole societies -- the ordinary lives of millions and millions of people.

So in the coming year we face a double challenge. There is the perennial challenge of international peace and security. And there is the challenge of economic and social crisis, which really means the challenge of globalization and global governance.

On the first point, we all know that none of the crises I referred to have been resolved. The best we can say is that in Kosovo and in Iraq all-out war has been avoided for the time being. But, unless people abide by their commitments, and unless they redouble their efforts to find peaceful solutions, we have every reason to fear the worst in 1999.

These crises take up an enormous amount of the Organization's time. It might be tempting to leave the economic and social issues to others. But, I am convinced that we cannot afford to do that.

The connection between the two is too clear. Unless we tackle the underlying distortions and imbalances in the global economy, unless we start

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to provide the kind of global governance_that is needed, we must expect more conflicts and even more intractable ones. Economic and political security are, and always have been, closely interconnected.

I can already see a number of landmark events in 1999 that give us good chances to make that connection. In Davos next month, I shall be proposing new initiatives to the world business community. In May, there will be the centenary celebrations of the first great peace conference in The Hague. In June, we shall be holding the follow-up conference on world population, five years after Cairo.

But, much of next year will be devoted to preparing a report on the United Nations in the twenty-first century, which I have promised to submit to the Millennium Assembly: the fifty-fifth session of the General Assembly, in the year 2000. As part of the preparations, we are going to hold informal events or hearings in various regional centres involving Member States, as well as non-governmental organizations and the private sector. I hope these events will throw up many new and useful ideas on the objectives of the United Nations in the decades ahead and in all five areas of its work: peace and security; economic and social affairs; development cooperation; humanitarian action; and, of course, human rights.

I am delighted to announce today that the MacArthur Foundation has agreed to donate half a million dollars towards the expenses. We shall set up a new trust fund to administer this money.

Neither the Millennium Assembly nor my report to it will focus mainly on United Nations reform. We want to concentrate on the long-term role and purposes of the Organization. But, of course, that presupposes that reform must continue. I am pleased with what has already been achieved, and I think there is no doubt that we have a much more coherent and purposeful system than we did two years ago. I think that, when you talk to my colleagues, they will confirm that. But, I am still looking for further action on issues such as results-based budgeting, personnel management and time limits for new mandates. I hope 1999 will see decisive progress on those issues and, also, need I say it, on prompt payment by those Member States which are in arrears with their contributions.

Let me now take your questions.

QUESTION: Welcome, Mr. Secretary-General, on behalf of the United Nations Correspondents Association.

In view of what you said about the reforms having to continue, I wonder if one of those reforms will be the continued downsizing of the personnel in the United Nations family.

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THE SECRETARY-GENERAL: I think we need to realize that there is a limit beyond which you cannot go. In fact, I recall a recent meeting, a couple of months ago, with all my Under-Secretaries-General, when one of them made the point that it is one thing to encourage efficiency, to encourage tightening of the belt and cuts; it is quite another to be subjected to a starvation diet over a long period. And he indicated that we may soon be cutting into the bone.

I think we have done enough. I think we have cut the staff considerably, if you consider that barely 10 years ago the United Nations staff was at 12,500 and that today we are at 8,800. I think we should be allowed to focus on our work and not face constant harassment of reform, reform, reform. We have done enough. It is an ongoing process. We want to focus on our essential tasks.

QUESTION: In the light of your ordeal today at the dentist, I should be asking about the so-called extraction force in Kosovo.

I know that you are probably going to say that you have to wait for Mr. Butler's report, but on Iraq, in the light of two weekly reports which noted several Iraqi blockades of inspectors, why do you think Iraq would deserve a comprehensive review at this time? Do they deserve one?

THE SECRETARY-GENERAL: Let me say that you are right: there is a report due from Mr. Butler, which I am waiting for. It will come either today or tomorrow. Mr. Butler has indicated that his assessment will be based on the overall operation, and not on this or that incident.

You ask if Iraq deserves a comprehensive review. I am not sure that the comprehensive review is something that Iraq deserves or does not deserve. I think the Council itself would want to know, after eight years of sanctions, where it stands, what has been achieved, what needs to be done, and within what reasonable time frame it can be done. So, obviously, the Council will have to take a decision. But there are two sides to this idea of a comprehensive review.

QUESTION: On Lockerbie, did you actually get any assurances from Colonel Qadhafi? It looks now as if they are just continuing to throw out roadblocks concerning the transfer of the suspects.

THE SECRETARY-GENERAL: I had a good discussion with the Libyan leadership, and my sense is that they have realized that they have come to the end of the road and that they have been given all the explanations and assurances necessary. My sense is that we are near a decision, and I think they will move in the right direction. But they will have to manage the process internally to decide how they turn the people around. We should not forget that in 1992 they got their People's Congress to decide that the people should not be handed over, and I am told that they would need to get that group or the population to reverse itself. There are various groups and

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tribes involved in this, and so, presumably, they are determining how to manage the process to be able to move forward.

My sense, when I left Libya, was that we were moving forward and that we will be getting a decision. As to the time frame, I cannot answer that. They were aware of the tenth anniversary date, but what I can say is that I was given to understand that the decision would be taken and that it would not take an inordinate amount of time. I think the Foreign Minister also stated that at the press conference in Tripoli.

QUESTION: The events you have just mentioned indicate that the United Nations and you personally have updated the concept of global security to a broader base. How is the United Nations going to adjust its role to secure that broad-based, updated concept?

THE SECRETARY-GENERAL: I think that we have already begun. We have been doing this at the country level in developmental work -- not only the work of agencies like the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) and the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA), but also with the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and others. We are working with governments to try to improve the economic and social conditions. We are working with them in creating an enabling environment that will allow investments and release the creativity and energies of their own people. We are encouraging the private sector to go into some of these areas and work with the governments in coming up with the right regulatory systems for investments and all that. We are also pressing the governments to understand that the kind of climate that will attract foreign investment is exactly what you need to attract domestic investment, and nobody wants to invest in an unhealthy and troublesome neighbourhood full of conflict and crisis. So, we are working at various levels, and here in New York, through the Economic and Social Council and our own links, with the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and in the Administrative Committee on Coordination (ACC). We are pooling our efforts to really have a greater impact on the ground, and I think this is also something that the United Nations leadership, whether through the development group, the humanitarian group or the development assistance group, has accepted, and we are pushing on.

QUESTION: Did I hear you right, Sir? Did you say that there was every reason to expect the worst in 1999?

THE SECRETARY-GENERAL: I did say that unless there is the will to make the compromises and take the courageous decisions necessary, we could have serious problems in some of the troubled spots, yes.

QUESTION: Do you see any inherent conflict of interest between the multilateral interests which the United Nations represents and the interests of the only super-Power?

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THE SECRETARY-GENERAL: First of all, I, speaking for the United Nations, represent what the Council and the membership at large say. There are areas where Washington's policies diverge from those of the United Nations, and I think one case in point is that of Iraq, where the Council has made it clear that we should disarm Iraq, and the moment we get the indication from the inspectors, from Mr. Butler, that Iraq has been disarmed, sanctions will be lifted. American policy goes beyond that, but I am guided only by the United Nations policy.

QUESTION (interpretation from French): The Congolese brothers who are fighting are to meet on Thursday in Ouagadougou. However, the meeting that was to be held in Lusaka was cancelled. In these circumstances, what value do the Paris agreements have? That is my first question.

On Angola, violent combat is taking place with regard to the old National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA) issues. What can the United Nations do? And what is happening with regard to the inquiry about the disappearance of Mr. Beye?

THE SECRETARY-GENERAL (interpretation from French): With regard to the first question, it is true that it was not possible to arrange the meeting at Lusaka, but the heads of State have been in contact. President Mandela and President Mugabe met together yesterday. I have been in contact with President Mandela and President Chiluba, and with Ibrahima Fall, who is on his way to Ouagadougou. I believe that things are developing. There have been discussions between President Chiluba and his Ministers and [inaudible], and I understood that they would also be in Ouagadougou. So it is my impression that they will make concrete the discussions that they had in Paris. There is a strong chance. We can never be 100 per cent sure, but I believe that things are going in the right direction.

With regard to Angola, there is, effectively, a war. The United Nations cannot do a great deal because we do not have many people on the ground. We had to regroup our peacekeeping forces for their own security. The Council will soon be obliged to decide whether or not the United Nations has a role to play. If we cannot keep in contact with all the parties, can we really play a role? The Government is demanding the recognition of the second UNITA, which is based in Luanda. Thus, for some time there, has been no direct contact with Mr. Savimbi, and we will have to have a comprehensive review of our operation in Angola.

I have nothing more to tell you with regard to the death of our friend, Mr. Beye. QUESTION: You mentioned the global financial crisis. Indeed, there has been a lot of discussion in this house and outside on the way to tackle this crisis. So many countries have become victims of it already, including my own, Russia. Would you give us your vision of the United Nations role in these efforts?

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THE SECRETARY-GENERAL: First of all, let me say that, in the past year or 18 months, there has been quite a lot of discussion about the world financial system -- what some people have called the "world financial architecture" -— and whether a new architecture is needed or whether the system is all right as it is and could work with minor adjustments, and if that is the case, what adjustments is one referring to? There has been quite a lot of discussion in Washington -- here I am referring to the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund — and we have discussed it in the ACC. As you know, last year we had three meetings on it -- in April, in July and then, of course, in plenary meeting during the high-level segment of the General Assembly, when we devoted two days to it.

What do I think we should be able to do? The United Nations, as the only global organization with the sort of convening power we have, should be able not only to ensure that all stakeholders know what changes are being discussed and for them to [inaudible]. And one can open up the debate, encourage discussion around here, even if the technical work has to be done by a much smaller group, so that we can associate the Member States with it and encourage them not to turn their back on globalization because there are some difficulties -- because it has possibilities, and there are downsides or negative sides too that one will have to manage. But the United Nations can have a convening power of bringing everybody around to discuss technical or well-thought-out suggestions as to where we move next.

QUESTION: On Iraq -- you have made several comments over the last few weeks about the undiplomatic comments of the Chairman of the United Nations Special Commission (UNSCOM) on the disposal of Iraq's weapons of mass destruction, Richard Butler, at a time when things are rather sensitive. Can you expand on what you meant by this?

THE SECRETARY-GENERAL: I thought what I said was very clear. I don't need to expand on it.

QUESTION: Is he losing your confidence?

THE SECRETARY-GENERAL: No, as I had indicated, he has a rather difficult job, and in this job there is lots of tension. We are all human when we are under tension. We say or do things that we normally would not do. I have discussed this with Richard Butler. I am not the only one to be careful in these tense situations, not to say things that would create problems. He has a job to do. I think it is possible to be firm and correct.

QUESTION: Just a couple of follow-up questions, if you permit me, before I ask my question.

SPOKESMAN: Only a one-point question.

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QUESTION: No, it is a clarification on your answer to Anne. You said that the Libyans seemed to you to be on their way towards taking a decision. Does that mean -- are you saying -- that all the sticking points in their minds were clarified during your visit there? Have you ironed out things related to sanctions and the place of imprisonment? That is just a clarification.

THE SECRETARY-GENERAL: I said, in my judgement, yes. And it was not done just on the ground. We have had their legal team here for weeks with us. So, we have had quite a lot of time with them.

QUESTION: My question is actually about this very dramatic moment this morning; President Clinton in Gaza, addressing the Palestinian National Council, and the decision they have taken. And, in fact, there is a historic, dramatic moment of a President facing the possibility of formal impeachment -- the President of the United States of America, no less.

Can you reflect with us what you feel about this sort of dramatic event, both as far as the impeachment is concerned and as far as Mr. Clinton being in Gaza facing the Palestinians in their own land for the first time for an American President.

THE SECRETARY-GENERAL: I would comment on the second part of your question and not be drawn into the first. Let me say that I think it is important that President Clinton has gone to the Middle East in an attempt to push the peace process forward. It has been a difficult process. We had been at an impasse for quite a long time, and I am very grateful that he took the courageous decision to go at this critical time and see if he could make a difference. I hope that he will make a difference. And I urge the leaders in the region to work with him to push the peace process forward, and once we have been able to make real progress on the Palestinian-Israeli front, to return and tackle the Syrian and Lebanese fronts, and thus bring comprehensive peace to the region.

QUESTION: What is your assessment of the talks you held with the leaders of the Gulf Cooperation Council during the summit in Abu Dhabi?

THE SECRETARY-GENERAL: I was able to meet them individually and collectively. I thought it was good that I went there. We did discuss problems in the Middle East. We did discuss the cooperation -- economic and other cooperation -- among themselves and with the Arab Emirates. Also, the question of Abu Musa and the two Tunbs came up. They have agreed to meet with the Iranian authorities to discuss it bilaterally. I encourage that very much, and since then I have also been able to talk to the Foreign Minister of Iran, who has also indicated a positive response. I think really it is a bilateral discussion between the two of them. I think what is happening in

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that region, and the cooperation between the countries of the region, is a good example for other countries in other parts of the world.

QUESTION: Can you share with us your reading of the situation in Haiti? And also, when do you think that you will have the time to turn your attention towards this crisis that you yourself label as "disturbing" in your report?

THE SECRETARY-GENERAL: In fact, I have told you that if I do go, we will go together. And I still hold to that promise.

No, I must say quite frankly, I have been disappointed with the progress that has been made so far. I thought that, at this stage, we should have been much further advanced. I thought that, at this stage, all Haitian leaders and patriots would pull together to improve the situation. I do not think the kind of cooperation -- the kinds of compromises that are required -- among the politicians, in power and outside power, to make this happen has not happened. We are pressing ahead, and I promise you I will go there myself. And you are welcome to come along with me.

QUESTION: I would like to ask the reverse of Evelyn's question regarding Iraq and UNSCOM. How satisfied are you with the rhetoric that has been coming out of Baghdad regarding UNSCOM and the inspectors?

THE SECRETARY-GENERAL: First of all, I do not think there should be any rhetoric when we have serious and hard work to do. I do not believe in megaphone diplomacy. I think you can get a lot done and you can just get on with it. The more one talks and the more one makes charges and accusations, the much more difficult relationships get. We do not have to love or like people to work with them, but when we have a job to do, at least we have to develop an instrumental relationship. That is the least we can do to get the job done, and relationship and communication should not break down. And, therefore, those who have the responsibility on both sides have to make sure that we stay on the job and remain professional and get the job done. I do not condone what Iraq has been saying, nor should they have said it. I just want them to get on with the job, get on with disarmament, cooperate with UNSCOM and get it done.

QUESTION: A question about Vincent Cochetel, who was freed on the weekend. What information do you have about the conditions he faced while in captivity and what lessons can the United Nations learn from this episode.

THE SECRETARY-GENERAL: I think this year has been a rather sad and painful year for United Nations staff members working around the world. I see now we have lost many colleagues and I was quite relieved that Cochetel was freed. We are expecting a full report, once he has been looked at, once he has come out of the hospital and has had time to put some of these things on paper. Mrs. Ogata will send me a full report on this. It does appear that he

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was kept in rather harsh circumstances, and I think the reports I had indicated that he saw daylight 20 minutes a day. Whether this is correct or not, I will have to wait until I see the report. But let me say here that I would want to send my special thanks to Prime Minister Primakov, because I did meet the parents of Cochetel in Paris on Tuesday when I was at the Parliament and they were really distraught and torn because four others had just been killed, and I promised them I would call Prime Minister Primakov, whom I did call, and from the call I could tell he was still alive. So I could tell the parents that their son had not been killed and efforts are being made to get him out. I did call Prime Minister Primakov on Saturday to thank him for his efforts, and it does appear that he took personal charge and followed through on the release of this colleague, and I am very grateful to him and the Russian Government for having made the effort and I think it is a great Christmas present for the parents and for all his colleagues and, of course, for his immediate family.

QUESTION: Not knowing about your tooth, the first thing I was going to ask you was whether you were planning to take any more trumpet lessons from Wynton Marsalis.

THE SECRETARY-GENERAL: He has offered. He has offered, but I am not sure I will be a good student. As you could tell, I could not get a sound out of the trumpet. I have a long way to go; to have a chance to take hold of Wynton's trumpet and not get a sound out of it with him standing there telling me how to do it, see, I am a lost case. But he has offered to continue the lessons.

QUESTION: My serious question is: I know that you are seeing senior generals from both the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the United States today, and that during a briefing here in the past 10 days, we were told that the United Nations would like to see a 15,000-strong peacekeeping force going to the Congo once a ceasefire is agreed. I was wondering whether you could tell us whether that is related to your talks and more generally about the problem of United Nations peacekeeping and getting countries to give soldiers.

THE SECRETARY-GENERAL: No, I do not think I will be, directly. It may come up, but I am not meeting them to discuss that. First of all, the Council will have to discuss the issue and the Council will have to decide whether it wants to send United Nations peacekeepers to the Congo or not. If there were to be an operation in the Congo, it will obviously be very complex and difficult because, in that region, we are not talking only of governmental armies. We have a whole group of militias in the region, as well -- what I call armies of the losers -- roaming around, and whichever army units go in will have to be well equipped with the right force structure and the right strength to be able not only to undertake their mandate, but also to be able to protect themselves. But this, of course, is a decision the Council will have to take.

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Regarding the second part of your question, we have had some difficulties attracting governments to join peacekeeping operations in certain parts of the world, but I do not think we have fully overcome the Somali syndrome. The Somali syndrome affected Rwanda, and it is likely to affect any operation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, but we should not give up.

Of course, there is also the financial aspect. There have been governments whom we have approached for peacekeeping operations who have indicated they will not sign up until they receive what is owed them for previous operations in which we participated.

QUESTION: Regarding Iraq and whether or not it deserves a comprehensive review, inasmuch as they blocked inspections last week, and also the question of documents. Do you regard those as violations of the previous agreements that they made both in mid-November and the agreements made with you earlier in the year?

THE SECRETARY-GENERAL: I think on that fateful November weekend, they did indicate that they were going to cooperate and made it clear that their offer to cooperate was unconditional and clear, and I had expected them to cooperate fully. Beyond that, I will have to await the report of Mr. Butler.

QUESTION: This is a personal question. After two years as Secretary- General, do you feel the Organization is moving in the direction you want and do you feel you have accomplished at least half of what you want to accomplish?

THE SECRETARY-GENERAL: I do not think we have done too badly and I think the Organization is moving ahead. I think we are focusing on our issues, and there is greater cooperation and cohesion amongst the leadership.

QUESTION: On United Nations policy on UNSCOM, it has been reported that UNSCOM has relied on Israeli intelligence over the years. How would you assess that cooperation in the light of the sensitivities of the countries involved in the region, and would you favour UNSCOM continuing to work with Israeli intelligence?

THE SECRETARY-GENERAL: Let me say that the resolution did encourage governments to work with UNSCOM. Where you draw the line is something that I think the Council will have to determine. Did it mean giving them vouchers, things they exported to Iraq or going beyond that? I do not know. This is an issue of which the Council is very much aware.

Since the issue was raised, the Iraqis have written a letter to me on that subject, which I have passed on to the Council, since UNSCOM is a subsidiary organ of the Council, and I will, therefore, await the Council's deliberations on that, if any.

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QUESTION: Since your report on Africa, a few more conflicts have erupted on the continent. Are you disappointed that things have not improved in Africa this year, and are you hopeful that the situation will improve?

THE SECRETARY-GENERAL: It is obvious that I am disappointed each time a conflict breaks out. In my job, I want to see peace break out all over the world. We have had an unfortunate situation on the continent, where not only do we have protracted and long drawn-out conflicts, but new ones are breaking out. And I made it clear in my speech to the African leaders in Paris that we need to focus on these crises collectively.

We cannot even say, "I am okay and it is the other country that is in difficulty", because these conflicts cast a shadow over the continent. When you mention Africa, they think of a continent in crisis. They do not go deeper beyond that to say that country A or B is doing well democratically or economically. So, we all have to work to put an end to these conflicts to be able to focus on the essential work of economic and social development. And I would hope that -- if we are able to get a handle on the crisis in the Congo; if we are able to resolve the difficulties between Eritrea and Ethiopia; it looks as if we are doing reasonably well in Guinea-Bissau -- we may begin to contain some of these crises around the continent, and it is a must.

QUESTION: I wonder if there will be much value to a comprehensive review if, as you say, the United States position goes well beyond the Council, that is, it will not be satisfied until the present regime is gone. So what is the value of a comprehensive review? Would you see it as a way of putting pressure on the Americans to change?

THE SECRETARY-GENERAL: No, I do not see it as a way of putting pressure on the Americans to change, but as being in line with the Council's own resolutions. The Council's resolutions are clear, and the Council must implement its own resolutions. Under the resolutions, once Iraq has disarmed, the sanctions would be lifted. The fact that there may be a conflict in the Council, because one or two members may disagree, does not mean that the Council should not move ahead and do what it has promised to do in its own resolution.

Thank you very much and have a happy holiday. I will see you all tomorrow.

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