DEADLOCKED DELIBERATIONS IN CONFERENCE ON DISARMAMENT REFLECT IMPASSE ON NUCLEAR QUESTION, FIRST COMMITTEE TOLD
Press Release
GA/DIS/3080
DEADLOCKED DELIBERATIONS IN CONFERENCE ON DISARMAMENT REFLECT IMPASSE ON NUCLEAR QUESTION, FIRST COMMITTEE TOLD
19971013 'Paralysis' in Conference Must Be Overcome, Says Mexico; Committee Chair, Malaysia, Luxembourg, Argentina, Sudan, Ecuador Also SpeakAs the First Committee (Disarmament and International Security) began its general debate this morning, several speakers expressed concern that the deadlocked deliberations on nuclear issues in the Conference of Disarmament, the sole multilateral negotiating body on disarmament, reflected the impasse of the international community on the nuclear question.
The representative of Mexico said that achievements made in bilateral negotiations between the United States and the Russian Federation could not hide the "exasperating lack of consensus in the international community". Persistent divergent approaches to nuclear disarmament made it impossible to agree on an agenda that would encompass the security concerns of all. Nuclear disarmament was not just a priority, but an obligation, yet "time seems to have stopped in that body on that issue". Unable to devote itself to such priorities, the Conference on Disarmament "waivers between stagnation and irrelevance".
The process of nuclear disarmament should not be left exclusively to the nuclear-weapon States, he said. Indeed, their refusal to deal with that issue in the multilateral arena would not make it disappear. Given the universal cry in favour of a nuclear-weapon-free world, it was essential to find a way to overcome the paralysis that persisted in the Conference.
The representative of Malaysia told the Committee that the continued paralysis in the Conference on Disarmament would undermine its usefulness and increase the risks of it being sidelined. While it was imperative that the international community "press on with unremitting vigour" towards a nuclear- weapon-free world, only when the nuclear-weapon States were prepared to "move out of their cold-war mentality" and take serious measures towards reducing and finally eliminating their nuclear arsenals would there be real prospects for such a world.
In his opening statement, Mothusi Nkgone (Botswana), the Committee Chairman, agreed that the divergence of views had impeded progress in the Conference on Disarmament and said that the debate on the role of nuclear
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weapons would continue unabated, especially on the step-by-step approach to their elimination, on security assurances to non-nuclear-weapon States and on a cut-off of the use of fissile material for weapons purposes. He recommended that the Committee focus its discussions on attainable goals and adhere to an agenda that was practical and focused on key issues.
Statements were also made by the representatives of Luxembourg, on behalf of the European Union and associated States, Argentina, Sudan and Ecuador.
The Committee will meet again at 3 p.m. Tuesday, 14 October, to continue its general debate on disarmament and security issues.
Committee Work Programme
The First Committee (Disarmament and International Security) met this morning to begin its general debate on a wide range of disarmament and international security issues. During its current session, the Committee is expected to address such matters as nuclear disarmament, the establishment of nuclear-weapon-free zones and other security assurances to non-nuclear-weapon States, efforts to achieve a total ban on the use and production of anti- personnel landmines -- spurred by the recent treaty agreed in Oslo -- and the control of other conventional weapons, particularly light weapons and small arms in the context of regional security.
Other questions before the Committee include the regulations of chemical and biological weapons, prohibition of the use of fissile material for weapon purposes, the role of science and technology in international security and disarmament, and the consolidation of peace through practical disarmament measures. In examining the issues before it, the Committee relies on reports from various components of the United Nations disarmament machinery, such as the Conference on Disarmament, the Disarmament Commission and the Advisory Board on Disarmament Matters. (For additional background, see Press Release GA/DIS/3079 of 9 October.)
Statements MOTHUSI NKGOWE (Botswana), Committee Chairman, said that the system of international security, which underwent major alterations and adjustments during the late 1980s and early 1990s, had been showing welcome signs of stabilization over the past two years. The international climate was now quite propitious for the implementation of concluded disarmament agreements, as well as for new undertakings. While recent disarmament achievements had been impressive, much remained to be done. Nuclear weapons remained, for the foreseeable future, an important feature of the military postures of nuclear- weapon States. The debate on the role of such weapons would continue unabated, especially on a step-by-step approach to nuclear disarmament, security assurances for non-nuclear-weapon States, and a cut-off on the use of fissile materials for weapons purposes.
While disarmament developments were being pursued, the international community had simultaneously focused on a number of other global and regional measures aimed at averting or reducing the risk of a nuclear war and its devastating consequences, he continued. In that regard, the issue of nuclear- weapon-free zones had gained considerable prominence, and treaties for such zones were increasingly viewed as an important contribution to attaining general and complete disarmament. Such zones fostered greater understanding between neighbouring States, encouraged cooperation and strengthened international peace and security and regional stability. The United Nations Disarmament Commission had launched successful discussions on nuclear-weapon- free zones.
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Unfortunately, the Conference on Disarmament, the international negotiating forum, had not been equally successful, he said. The divergence of views had impeded progress in, among others, such vital areas as: time- bound nuclear disarmament; outer space; a convention on the prohibition of the use of nuclear weapons; ending the production of fissile materials; and security assurances. The Conference had not been able to agree on negotiating mandates regarding those issues.
He said that, despite the lack of success in the Conference, the international community had reason to celebrate the progress achieved with regard to other weapons of mass destruction, namely, the entry into force of the Convention on the Prohibition of the Development, Production, Stockpiling and Use of Chemical Weapons and on Their Destruction (Chemical Weapons Convention) on 29 April this year, and the ongoing effort to enhance the compliance provisions of the Convention on the Prohibition of the Development, Production and Stockpiling of Bacteriological (Biological) and Toxin Weapons and on Their Destruction (Biological Weapons Convention). The Biological Weapons Convention had provided the international community with a unique means to eradicate one out of the three existing types of weapons of mass destruction. It had proved to be a powerful international legal instrument averting a potentially dangerous arms race in that new area. However, its verification measures needed to be elaborated by the ad hoc group in Geneva. He hoped it would conclude the process by finalizing the verification protocol and setting up relevant mechanisms for that important Convention.
A persistent concern was the problem of landmines, he went on. The conclusion of a treaty by the "Ottawa process" -- the treaty agreed to in Oslo, Norway, to be signed in Ottawa in December -- was a welcome development, which should eventually become universal. With the end of the cold war era, intra-State, ethnic and religious conflicts had emerged. Those conflicts were fought with readily available small arms, which, while not the primary reason for the conflicts, contributed to their escalation.
The United Nations, as a result, had shown keen interest in the issue, he continued. Five years ago, the Organization had established the Register of Conventional Arms, the first international arms transfer Register. He drew attention to the recommendation of the report of the Group of Government Experts, which would make public, via the Register, the information on military holdings and procurement through national production, which had previously been supplied on a voluntary basis. Despite participation by 90 countries, universality, the ultimate goal, had not yet been achieved, he added.
He said he wished to "single out" the issue of the fourth special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament. The Committee's current session, despite divergent views on the subject, would once again devote efforts to the question of that session's convening, hopefully resulting in an agreement to begin the first session of the preparatory Committee. In general, this session,
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Committee discussions should focus on attainable goals. The agenda should be practical and focused on key issues.
ANTONIO DE ICAZA (Mexico) said that significant progress in arms control and reduction had taken place since the end of the East-West struggle. The complex verification system provided for in the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT) was an important starting point and a crucial component of that instrument. He hoped that the ratification process by the Russian Federation would not be hindered by the continuation of nuclear tests.
Further, he called on the Russian Federation to swiftly ratify the Chemical Weapons Convention, which had entered into force, thereby triggering its verification mechanism. In the context of negotiations between the United States and the Russian Federation, the protocol to the 1993 Treaty on the Reduction and Limitation of Strategic Offensive Arms (START II) increased the possibility that the agreed reductions would take place, including the start of negotiations for a START III.
Those bilateral achievements, however, could not hide the "exasperating lack of consensus in the international community on disarmament measures and pursuits into the next century, he continued. That lack of consensus had spread to the main multilateral deliberative body, the Conference on Disarmament. Thus, no agreement had been reached on the objectives and agenda of the fourth special session on disarmament. Persistent divergent approaches related to nuclear disarmament made it impossible to agree on an agenda that would take into consideration the security concerns of all. Nuclear disarmament was not just a priority, but the obligation of all States. His Government had submitted to the Conference on Disarmament last June a draft mandate on an ad hoc committee on nuclear disarmament, which called on all States to undertake a phased programmed with time-frames leading to the total elimination of nuclear weapons. However, "time seems to have stopped in that body on that issue", he said. Unable to devote itself to such priorities, the Conference on Disarmament "waivers between stagnation and irrelevance".
To further nuclear disarmament, he would submit a draft on consolidating the regime of the Treaty for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America and the Caribbean (Treaty of Tlatelcolco). He welcomed the decision by concerned States to set up a regime of denuclearization in Central Asia modeled on existing treaties. As a special guest in September's Tashkent process, Mexico was ready to assist in the establishment of a Central Asian nuclear-weapon-free zone.
There was no justification today for nuclear weapons, and no other issue deserved a higher priority than their elimination, he continued. There must be an unequivocal commitment, in particular by the nuclear-weapon States, to a phased programme towards the elimination of those weapons, requiring unilateral, bilateral and multilateral steps. But nuclear disarmament should not be left
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exclusively to the nuclear-weapon States. Their refusal to deal with that issue in multilateral forums would not make the issue disappear. Given the universal cry in favour of a nuclear-weapon-free world, it was essential to find a way to overcome the paralysis.
Given the excessive availability of conventional weapons, he said the producers and purchasers of such weapons shared a responsibility to ensure that the quantities and level of sophistication did not exceed legitimate defence needs. He welcomed efforts to reduce the excessive accumulation of such weapons and had co-sponsored a draft that would have the Conference on Disarmament support regional conventions on conventional weapons. His Government had also undertaken initiatives leading to the anticipated conclusion this week of negotiations to combat the transfer and illicit use of such weapons in his region.
He said he was deeply satisfied with the conclusion of the convention on landmines, which established a norm to remedy the tragedy those weapons caused. He was committed to destroying existing mines, planted and stockpiled, and noted the relative swiftness with which those negotiations were completed.
ARSENE H. MILLIM (Luxembourg) addressed the Committee on behalf of the European Union, as well as for Bulgaria, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, Slovakia, Slovenia, Czech Republic and Cyprus. He said the Union was convinced that its enlargement, as well as that of the Atlantic Alliance, would help to consolidate peace and stability without creating new lines of division in Europe. The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO)/Russia Founding Act, signed in May, marked the beginning of a new era in Euro-Atlantic security relations. The Union was also committed to the modernization of the Treaty on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe (CFE Treaty).
Despite several advances that had been made over the past year, the risk of proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and of conventional weapons had not been removed, he said. The Union believed the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) remained the cornerstone of the global non-proliferation regime, and continued to appeal for worldwide accession to the Treaty. It was pleased with the work done towards the next NPT Review Conference in the year 2000.
The CTBT, opened for signature last year, provided a strong impetus for implementation of the principles and objectives of nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament adopted at the 1995 NPT Review and Extension Conference, he said. Work was already under way to prepare for implementation of that Treaty. The Union welcomed the fact that 147 countries had signed, and seven had ratified it, and called on all those who had not yet done so to sign it as soon as possible.
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The international community must now quickly negotiate a universal convention banning the production of fissile materials for nuclear weapons or other explosive nuclear devices, he said. The Conference on Disarmament should set up an ad hoc committee to conduct those negotiations. The Union welcomed the entry into force of START I and looked forward to the ratification of START II by the Russian Federation. The Union considered that the creation of nuclear-weapon-free zones strengthened global, as well as regional peace and stability, and called for continued work on the establishment of such zones in South Asia and the Middle East.
In the field of non-nuclear weapons, the Union welcomed the entry into force of the Chemical Weapons Convention, the first multilaterally negotiated disarmament treaty to prohibit a whole category of weapons of mass destruction in a verifiable manner, he said. The Union called on all States parties to the Convention to fulfil all their obligations under it, particularly with respect to the submission of full declarations. It was important for all States who had not done so to sign and ratify the Convention -- especially the Russian Federation, which held large stocks of chemical weapons.
Controlling the international trade of arms was crucial he said. Stressing the importance of the United Nations Register of Conventional Arms, the Union called on all States to take part in it, even registering a response of "nil", if necessary. The Register was an important confidence-building measure. The accumulation and destabilizing transfer of small arms and light weapons was a source of a growing international anxiety, and the Union welcomed the Committee on Small Arms' adoption in June 1997 of a programme for combating illicit trafficking in conventional arms.
He said that the Union had long supported action on anti-personnel landmines, and had undertaken all possible ways to help bring about a total ban on them. All States should endorse the objective of their complete elimination. The Union would continue to press in all the appropriate forums for such a total ban.
FERNANDO ENRIQUE PETRELLA (Argentina) said that, with the end to global confrontations and the spread of democracy, new economic opportunities and international integration provided unprecedented opportunities in area of disarmament. The NPT continued to be the cornerstone for the non-proliferation regime, and he applauded the almost universal recognition of the Treaty. He also welcomed the progress made in preparation for the Review Conference to be held in the year 2000.
Significant progress had been made in international commitments against weapons of mass destruction, in particular the entry into force of the Chemical Weapons Convention, which included methods of verification. All States should sign and ratify that treaty as quickly as possible. Biological weapons also represented a threat, particularly because they were so easy to
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manufacture, and Argentina recognized the importance of the fourth Review Conference for the Biological Weapons Convention.
Welcoming the progress made towards implementation of the CTBT, he announced that his Government had initiated the steps for parliamentary ratification of the Treaty. It was important now to work towards a ban on the production of fissile material, and he regretted that a ban was not yet in place.
With new conflicts appearing around the world and non-State bodies filling the void where States were in conflict, the international arms trade was disturbing, he said. The United Nations Register of Conventional Arms was an important tool in controlling the arms trade, and he would support other steps to increase transparency in the transfer of arms.
It was also important to support the anti-personnel landmine ban which had been agreed to in Oslo. A ban on such weapons was supported by the Latin American and Caribbean Group. The countries of the Rio Group -- Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, Mexico, Panama, Peru, Uruguay, Venezuela, Honduras, and Guyana -- wanted to convert the region into one free of anti-personnel landmines.
Increased security in Latin America had meant the area was free of arms races, he said. Democratic governments had established confidence in the region, and the decision of the United States to make the sale of weapons to the area more flexible would be met with stability. In a constructive climate, dialogue and joint military exercises were being undertaken by Argentina with Brazil, Chile and Uruguay. The region would also soon celebrate the thirtieth anniversary of the Treaty of Tlatelolco, which established the first nuclear-weapon-free zone in the world. Argentina urged all States, in particular the nuclear-weapon States, to support the establishment of such zones.
ELFATIH MOHAMED AHMED ERWA (Sudan) said that the peaceful resolution of regional and inter-State disputes was essential for the creation of conditions enabling States to divert their resources from armaments to economic growth and development. Regional disarmament initiatives, to be practical, needed to take into account the special characteristics of each region and enhance the security of every State of the region concerned. In that regard, the scope of the Register of Conventional Arms should be expanded to include information on weapons of mass destruction, in particular nuclear weapons.
He said that the Register, however, did not take into account the situation in the Middle East, where Israel continued its occupation of Arab States, its possession of the most lethal, sophisticated categories of conventional weapons and continued to be the only State in the region not yet party to the NPT. It also persisted in defying repeated calls to become party
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to the NPT and to place its nuclear facilities under full-scope International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) safeguards.
Despite several international and regional developments towards the achievement of international disarmament, many tasks lay ahead in the field of nuclear disarmament, he said. Those included the commencement of serious negotiations on comprehensive nuclear disarmament, in conformity with the document issued by the first special session of the United Nations devoted to disarmament in 1978. He supported the proposal of the Non-Aligned Movement of countries, which called on the Conference on Disarmament to establish, on a priority basis, an ad hoc committee to start negotiations on a phased programme for the elimination of nuclear weapons, including a nuclear weapons convention. Indeed, a universal and legally binding multilateral agreement should be concluded, which would commit all States to eliminate those weapons.
In that connection, he said he was looking forward to the convening of the fourth special session on disarmament and to the forthcoming second Preparatory Commission of the Conference of the State Parties to the NPT. Crucial to the elimination of those weapons was the universality of that Treaty and the signing of legally binding conventions to satisfy non-nuclear- weapon States against the use or the threat of use of nuclear weapons. In addition, there must be a ban on fissile materials and the non-restrictive use of the transfer of science and technology for peaceful purposes.
International and regional efforts to ban anti-personnel landmines had his support, he said. Being one of the countries affected by the use of those weapons, the Sudan was very keen to participate in all international efforts aimed at their elimination. The presence of more than 2 million such deadly devices in the Sudan had led to the deterioration of the environment and the impediment of sustainable development. Further, relief delivery had been slowed, which impeded the repatriation of 2 million refugees and displaced persons. The technical and material assistance promised by the international community would lead to the return of stability and security, development and the repatriation of refugees in his country.
As one of the African countries affected by war, he attached special attention to the issue of the proliferation of conventional weapons. While supporting the principle of limiting the trafficking of conventional arms, he strongly confirmed a country's right, guaranteed by international law, to use such weapons to defend its borders and its unity. He called upon the other countries to comply with the requirements of international covenants and norms and to stop providing rebel movements with conventional arms.
HASMY AGAM (Malaysia) said that Member States must be prepared to discard old and outmoded security concepts, notably the cold war doctrine of nuclear deterrence, in order to take a more constructive approach. Such a doctrine only spurred a ceaseless quest for superiority and stood in the way
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of real disarmament. Only when the nuclear-weapon States were prepared to "move out of their cold-war mentality" and take serious measures towards the reduction and final elimination of their nuclear arsenals would there be real prospects of a world without nuclear weapons.
Nuclear disarmament must remain a high priority on the international agenda, he went on. While bilateral and unilateral arrangements aimed at reducing the current nuclear weapons stockpiles were welcome, even the implementation of START II would render elusive the goal of a world free from nuclear weapons. It was imperative that the international community "press on with unremitting vigour" with the global campaign for a nuclear-weapon-free world.
The CTBT, hailed by the international community, clearly lacked an explicit commitment towards the definitive end of the nuclear arms race, he said. Far from comprehensive, it allowed the nuclear-weapon States to use advanced technology to modernize and upgrade their nuclear weapons systems through laboratory test explosions. One nuclear-weapon State recently announced plans to conduct a series of "subcritical" underground nuclear tests, a programme that would undoubtedly be emulated by other nuclear Powers equally eager to upgrade their own nuclear arsenals.
While the NPT was reaching universality, the threshold States still remained outside the Treaty, with little prospect of their joining in the foreseeable future, he said. In that regard, he called on all States parties to the NPT, in particular the nuclear-weapon States, to live up to their Treaty obligations, while refraining from pursuing security policies that could undermine the letter and spirit of the Treaty. The Preparatory Committee, meeting this year for the NPT Review Conference in the year 2000, made little real progress in the efforts towards the agreed goal of the elimination of nuclear weapons. It was essential that future sessions make an accurate and objective assessment of compliance with the NPT obligations, in order to evaluate the role of the NPT in the overall context of the nuclear disarmament process and to take the necessary measures to overcome its deficiencies.
He said the failure of the Conference on Disarmament to even agree on its programme of work for its 1997 session, let alone make any progress on the negotiations, was equally disappointing. Clearly, the continuing impasse reflected the differing positions between the nuclear-weapon States and the non-nuclear-weapon States on both the approaches and substantive aspects of the work of that body. That certainly raised questions about its future role and effectiveness. The continued paralysis of the Conference would not only undermine its usefulness and relevance, but also increase the risks of it being sidelined. The opinion of the International Court of Justice on the total elimination of nuclear weapons was an important contribution. In light of the continuing impasse in the Conference, the sponsors of last session's
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draft concerning the Court's opinion would renew their call at the current session.
The trend towards the establishment of nuclear-weapon-free zones around the globe was gratifying, he said. Today, more than half the world was covered by nuclear-weapon-free zones. That building-block approach to nuclear disarmament had the strong support of his delegation, and he urged that similar efforts be made in other regions of the world. He also welcomed the recent entry into force of the Chemical Weapons Convention, which his Government was in the process of ratifying. Also welcome was the recent progress made in the work of the ad hoc group of the States parties to the Biological Weapons Convention, particularly the legally binding verification protocol of that Convention.
Concerning the problem of landmines, his country had joined other States in calling for the serious rethinking of existing military doctrines that legitimized the use of those "horrific weapons", he said. As a participant in the recent Oslo Conference, which negotiated an international landmine treaty, he looked forward to its signing in Ottawa this year and strongly urged the major military Powers that had decided to stay out of the Treaty to rethink their position.
LUIS VALENCIA RODRIGUEZ (Ecuador) said that, despite recent progress, the existence of nuclear weapons continued to be a serious risk, along with weapons of mass destruction and the unbridled international arms traffic. He reiterated that the International Court of Justice had concluded that all States should work towards achieving nuclear disarmament and that bilateral and multilateral means in that regard were crucial.
The signing and entry into force of the CTBT would contribute to trust among all States, both nuclear and non-nuclear, he continued. It was important, also, that there be safeguards for non-nuclear-weapon States against the use of nuclear weapons. He supported the establishment of a phased programme of nuclear disarmament, within a fixed time-frame. There were three stages in the establishment of such a programme: first, a universal and legally binding multilateral agreement on the banning of nuclear weapons; second, the establishment of timetables for such agreement; and third, a ban on the production of fissile materials. It was true that those proposals had not received full support in the Conference on Disarmament, but they should, nonetheless, be pursued.
He welcomed the entry into force of the Chemical Weapons Convention and recognized the importance of establishing an organization to undertake the process of verification. His Government had given its assurances that it had no such weapons. The General Assembly had adopted various measures to halt the international transfer of weapons and, in that context, Ecuador had provided information for the Register of Conventional Arms. It should be noted that the
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major Powers held more than 75 per cent of the conventional weapons in the world. Far from increasing the security of those Powers, the imbalance contributed to regional insecurity, and the issue should be addressed at regional levels.
In July 1997, after the United States lifted restrictions on weapons exports to the Latin American region, his Government had sent a communication to Costa Rica suggesting that the countries of the region declare a two-year moratorium on the import of high-tech weapons. His country -- peace-loving and a supporter of general and complete disarmament -- was concerned about the diversion of precious resources for weapons. In fact, the region was a pioneer in disarmament, as evidenced by the Treaty of Tlatelolco, establishing the first nuclear-weapon-free zone.
Latin America and the Caribbean was also free of anti-personnel landmines, he said. His country supported the ban on such weapons agreed upon in Oslo because that treaty would respond to principles of international humanitarian law. However, measures for transparency in compliance with the treaty must be enforced. There should also be a trust fund established for the removal of such mines, and the producer States of those weapons should have a greater responsibility in their removal.
The Non-Aligned Movement had drawn attention to the need to focus on economic development, he said. Part of the resources released as a result of the implementation of disarmament programmes should be directed towards development. There was a close relationship between peace, collective security, development and international law.
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