GA/DIS/3062

CHEMICAL WEAPONS CONVENTION LIKELY TO ENTER INTO FORCE WITHOUT WORLD'S TWO LARGEST CHEMICAL POWERS, FIRST COMMITTEE TOLD

24 October 1996


Press Release
GA/DIS/3062


CHEMICAL WEAPONS CONVENTION LIKELY TO ENTER INTO FORCE WITHOUT WORLD'S TWO LARGEST CHEMICAL POWERS, FIRST COMMITTEE TOLD

19961024 While Awaiting Final Ratification, Treaty Body Works on Inspection Procedures, Safety Guidelines

The Convention on the Prohibition of the Development, Production, Stockpiling and Use of Chemical Weapons and on Their Destruction (Chemical Weapons Convention) was now likely to enter into force without ratification by the two largest possessors of chemical weapons, the First Committee (Disarmament and International Security) was told this morning, as it continued its general debate.

The Executive Secretary of the Preparatory Commission for the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons, Ian Kenyon (United Kingdom), said there was still no agreement on ratification in the legislative bodies of the United States and the Russian Federation -- which, between them, possess nearly 71,000 tons of chemical weapons. Nevertheless, the Commission had made progress in such various areas, including inspection procedures and health and safety guidelines.

In view of such uncertainties now surrounding the Convention, critics were once again questioning its ability to verify the destruction of existing weapons, he said. Nevertheless, while the Convention could not guarantee that chemical weapons would not be produced or used by States bent on cheating, or by terrorists, it could make their use difficult and politically unacceptable.

The Chemical Weapons Convention is now one signature short of the 65 needed for its entry into force, six months after receipt of that enabling ratification.

The representative of Poland, speaking as President of the Conference on Disarmament, said it was now generally accepted that the Conference's new agenda should strike a balance between nuclear and conventional issues. Consultations had already begun aimed at developing consensus with respect to nuclear disarmament, as well as on reactivating the ad hoc committee addressing the question of a ban on the production of fissile materials for weapons purposes.

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The Permanent Observer for the Holy See said that, since the end of the Second World War, all wars and domestic conflicts, and most of the killing and slaughter on a massive scale, had been done with low-technology, conventional arms. That problem must now be faced decisively. The issue of arms transfers could not be left solely to the laws of the market, but required international consensus on a set of enforceable rules, he said.

Statements were also made by the representatives of Nigeria, Georgia, Cameroon, Turkey, Zambia, Yemen, Sudan, Namibia and Oman.

The Committee will meet again at 3 p.m. today to conclude its general debate.

Committee Work Programme

The First Committee (Disarmament and International Security) met this morning to continue its general debate. It will discuss a number of international disarmament agreements, including the Comprehensive Nuclear- Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT) -- adopted by the General Assembly on 10 September -- and the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT). It will also discuss the Assembly's 1995 decision "to convene its fourth special session on disarmament in 1997, if possible".

The Committee will consider the Convention on the Prohibition of the Development, Production, Stockpiling and Use of Chemical Weapons and on Their Destruction (Chemical Weapons Convention) -- now one signature short of the 65 needed to enter into force -- as well as the Convention on the Prohibition of the Development, Production and Stockpiling of Bacteriological (Biological) and Toxin Weapons and on Their Destruction (Biological Weapons Convention).

Other agreements under discussion include the Convention on Prohibitions or Restrictions on the Use of Certain Conventional Weapons Which May Be Deemed to Be Excessively Injurious or to Have Indiscriminate Effects (Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons). Protocol II of the Convention, dealing with mines, booby-traps and other such devices, was revised in 1995 to include provisions on internal conflicts and the transfer of land-mines. An Additional Protocol IV was also adopted, banning the use and transfer of anti-personnel blinding laser weapons. Regional agreements to be considered include the Treaty for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America and the Caribbean (Treaty of Tlatelolco), the South Pacific Nuclear-Free-Zone Treaty (Treaty of Rarotonga), the South-East Asia Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zone Treaty, and the African Nuclear- Weapon-Free Zone Treaty (Pelindaba Treaty). Also under discussion is the Treaty on the Prohibition of the Emplacement of Nuclear Weapons and Other Weapons of Mass Destruction on the Seabed and the Ocean Floor and in the Subsoil Thereof (Seabed Treaty).

Other matters being considered by the Committee include the United Nations Register of Conventional Arms and the role of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) in the international non-proliferation regime. The Committee was also likely to consider such bilateral agreements as the Treaty on the Reduction and Limitation of Strategic Offensive Arms (START), as well as the signing last year by France, the United Kingdom and the United States of the Protocols to the Treaty of Rarotonga, which had already been signed by China and the Russian Federation.

It was also likely to discuss an Advisory Opinion of the International Court of Justice (ICJ), which ruled that States were obliged to pursue good- faith negotiations aimed at complete nuclear disarmament. (For additional background, see Press Release GA/DIS/3051 of 10 October.)

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Statements

EJOH ABUAH (Nigeria) said the CTBT, which Nigeria hoped to sign in due course, held out hope as a contribution to the collective commitment to a nuclear-free world. The Treaty imposed on the nuclear-weapon States in particular a unique responsibility to join with the rest of humanity in working for a complete end to all forms of nuclear testing. Nigeria welcomed the recommendations of the Canberra Commission on the elimination of nuclear weapons, and stressed the urgency of the recent World Court ruling on the use of nuclear weapons.

He said the pressing needs within the nuclear disarmament process were spelled out in the programme of action of the "Group of 21" nations at the Conference on Disarmament -- a group which included Nigeria. A multilaterally negotiated and legally binding instrument was needed to assure non-nuclear- weapon States against the use or threatened use of nuclear weapons.

Adherence by the non-nuclear-weapon States to the NPT constituted the bedrock of the non-proliferation regime, he said. Those States had supported the CTBT despite its imperfections. Moreover, they had continued to strive for a nuclear-weapon-free world, through efforts including the establishment of nuclear-weapon-free zones, as evidenced by the recently signed Pelindaba Treaty. The commitment of those States should elicit a matching commitment from the nuclear-weapon States. It was dismaying that the two major holders of chemical weapons had not yet ratified the Chemical Weapons Convention, he said. Developing countries parties to that Convention must be assured that its operation would not jeopardize their development. Africa, as one of the regions most affected by anti-personnel land-mines, hailed those nations that had undertaken to stop their production and export, and welcomed the improvements to the relevant Protocol of the Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons. The United Nations should explore additional ways of granting technical and humanitarian assistance to countries affected by land-mines.

PETER P. CHKHEIDZE (Georgia) said his country attached great importance to the control and prevention of illicit traffic in conventional weapons. The absence of such mechanisms had largely spawned the tragic developments in Abkhazia, Georgia, and contributed to the aggressive stance of separatists and to the genocide of the Georgian people. Towns and villages had been razed by contemporary missiles and other military technology, procured by illegal groups. Clans of illegal arms dealers had been formed.

Under an ineffective international system of control, so-called "white spots" continued to harbour unregistered weapons, becoming hotbeds of criminal activity, he said. The illicit flow and use of weapons must be monitored, and considered together with the problems of drug trafficking, terrorism and gross violations of human rights.

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He said that the significant number of land-mines laid by separatists in Abkhazia, Georgia, had caused serious casualties, along with the closing of three important stations of the United Nations Observer Mission in Georgia (UNOMIG) in the Gali region. That constant threat had prevented full implementation of the Mission's mandate and seriously hampered the return of thousands of refugees scattered throughout the State.

LUDWIK DEMBINSKI (Poland), speaking as President of the Conference on Disarmament, introduced that body's report (document A/51/27). The Conference's long and arduous efforts had resulted in the draft comprehensive test-ban treaty that had now been signed by some 125 States. The Treaty's significance for collective efforts in the promotion of non-proliferation and nuclear disarmament could not be overemphasized. It was hoped that achievement would make a significant contribution to further strengthening the non-proliferation regime.

The Conference could also congratulate itself on the resolution of the long-overdue issue of expansion of its membership, which had now been increased by 23 States, he said. It had thus become a more representative and balanced negotiating body, better prepared to deal with the challenges of the post-cold war security environment. A number of applications for membership were still pending, and he had begun consultations with all members on a further expansion of the Conference.

It was now accepted that the Conference on Disarmament should elaborate a new agenda that boldly reflected the changes of the past few years, striking a balance between nuclear and conventional issues, he said. Consultations had already begun with a view to developing a consensus on the issue of nuclear disarmament, as well as to explore the possibility of reactivating all the ad hoc committees which had not resumed work in 1996. That would include the body examining a fissile materials cut-off ban. The First Committee's deliberations were expected to provide a sound political basis for the collective international community's efforts, helping to lay the foundations for a renewed direction and sense of purpose in the Conference on Disarmament.

BENTONG NSANGOU (Cameroon) said the CTBT was a major step towards the ending of the nuclear-arms race. Though neither a producer nor user of chemical weapons, Cameroon became the sixty-fourth country to ratify the Chemical Weapons Convention. His country called on all nations, especially those which stored huge quantities of those deadly weapons, to ratify the Convention.

The United Nations Regional Centre for Peace and Disarmament in Africa could greatly enhance regional disarmament efforts and promote wider support for arms control on that continent. The Pelindaba Treaty reflected the genuine aspirations of African governments and people.

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He said creation of the United Nations Standing Advisory Committee on Security Questions in Central Africa had enhanced confidence-building among the 11 States of that subregion. Such subregional security efforts as the July Summit of Head of States and Governments were to be praised; he appealed for international support in the prevention of future regional conflicts.

Practical solutions to the excessive accumulation and transfer of light weapons and small arms was needed, he said. Those weapons not only endangered peace and security, but hampered economic development as well. Cameroon would also support any international initiatives to combat deadly anti-personnel land-mines.

TULUY TANC (Turkey) said his country was pleased to have joined the overwhelming majority of nations in efforts to conclude and adopt the CTBT. The Treaty represented an optimal reconciliation of interests and an indispensable step towards the eventual elimination of nuclear weapons. With the work of its first Preparatory Committee scheduled to begin on 20 November, it was of utmost importance that it be ratified by all 44 countries listed in its Annex II as having nuclear capabilities. States which had not signed the CTBT, but which had expressed willingness to attend the Preparatory Committee as observers, should be permitted to do so.

The Conference on Disarmament should now adopt a realistic and comprehensive agenda conducive to consensus-building among its expanded membership, he said. It should strike a balance between its focus on nuclear and conventional weapons. The Conference should activate the ad hoc committee mandated to negotiate a treaty to ban the production of fissile material for weapons purposes by 1997.

He said Turkey viewed the Convention on Forces in Europe (CFE), broadly aimed at lowering arms levels on that continent, as one of the cornerstones of European security and stability. All States parties to the Treaty were urged to confirm their approval of the final document of this year's Review Conference before the end of the year. The intention was to launch an improved implementation process for the Convention, one which fully reflected the changes in Europe's security environment.

All States were duty-bound to seek a solution to the human tragedy caused by anti-personnel land-mines, he said. However, time was needed for States parties to ratify the revised Protocol II to the Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons, and for new States to become parties to Convention and its Protocols. Regrettably, all proposals for the prohibition of land-mines shared a common loophole -- they did not address the crucial issue of how to manage the problem of land-mines in the hands of terrorist organizations.

Archbishop RENATO RAFFAELE MARTINO, Permanent Observer for the Holy See, said that as the world moved towards a new millennium, it could take a measure

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of satisfaction at the remarkable developments of the past year with respect to nuclear weapons. On signing the CTBT last month on behalf of the Holy See, he had stressed the importance of such steps towards general and total disarmament, which should be accomplished without delay. Progress towards that goal had been augmented by swelling popular support throughout the world. As the World Court had stated, article VI of the NPT obliged State parties to pursue nuclear disarmament in all its aspects.

All wars and domestic conflicts since the end of the Second World War had been fought almost exclusively with conventional weapons, he said. Most of the killing, and most of the slaughter on a massive scale, had been done with low-technology armaments. That urgent problem must now be faced more decisively. The Holy See welcomed the initiatives already taken by the United Nations in the area of conventional arms transfers. The Register of Arms Sales, despite its present limited scope, recognized that the whole world had a legitimate interest in the movement of conventional arms. However, there was still no international consensus on a set of enforceable rules. Nevertheless, arms transfers could not be left solely to the laws of the market.

Nearly 70 countries were still littered with 100 million land-mines, he said. Those weapons caused 500 deaths or injuries every week, mostly among civilians and especially children. And while existing land-mines were being cleared, new ones were being planted. The Holy See called for an end to such cruelty, whose humanitarian, economic and social costs were enormous. There was no excuse for nations to refuse to adopt an immediate and comprehensive ban on those weapons.

HUMPHREY B. KUNDA (Zambia) said that numerous nuclear weapons and delivery systems filling the inventories of nuclear-weapon States could still be qualitatively improved through non-explosive means under the CTBT regime. Such an ominous development could fuel the nuclear arms race anew, undermining disarmament regimes. A phased programme with agreed time-frames to achieve a nuclear-weapon-free world by the year 2020 was the only meaningful way of tackling the issue. Regrettably, the time-frame presented by the Group of 21 at the Conference on Disarmament was not even accepted for discussion by the nuclear-weapon States.

With the removal of the CTBT from its agenda, the Conference should move expeditiously to negotiate the eradication of those weapons, including a treaty to ban them altogether, he said. A ban on fissile material for weapons purposes was all the more urgent in view of the vast stocks of weapons-grade uranium and plutonium which could easily fall into the wrong hands. The Conference should also begin, without delay, negotiations on positive and negative security guarantees for non-nuclear-weapon States. Since much remained to be done, preparations should begin early in 1997 for the convening of the fourth special session on disarmament.

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The issue of total nuclear disarmament should not, in any way, overshadow equal concern regarding conventional arm, he said. Lives and property continued to be lost in wanton fashion. Of particular concern to developing countries were small arms and light weapons, including land-mines, which had become instruments of choice. The many conflicts in Africa underscored the need to take a critical look at that issue. In addition to being the weapons of choice in poor countries, land-mines inhibited refugee return, disrupted economic reconstruction, and impeded peace-keeping operations. As such, Zambia called for an intensification of demining efforts worldwide and would support a resolution urging States to negotiate a global ban.

HAMED MOHAMED OBADI (Yemen) said there was no alternative to the elimination of all destructive and deadly weapons. He welcomed the adoption of the CTBT, as well as the Disarmament Commission's guidelines on the transfer of small weapons. Efforts aimed at establishing nuclear-weapon-free zones would strengthen the NPT regime and build confidence among countries that had suffered from armed conflict. That included the region of the Middle East.

He expressed concern over the persistent risk emanating from the Israeli nuclear programme, which remained outside the NPT regime. It was extremely important for Israel to join the NPT and free the area of all types of weapons of mass destruction. Yemen welcomed the World Court's advisory opinion. In view of its geographic position, Yemen was also concerned with efforts aimed at promotion cooperation among the countries of the Indian Ocean. Practical measures enhancing peace, security and stability in that area were welcome.

The problem of land-mines remained a major issue with far-reaching implications, he said. Yemen was still suffering from their presence after the separatist war of May 1994. More practical measures were needed for their elimination, as well as further financial and technical assistance, and additional training in carrying out that task. It was hoped that the Assembly, at its current session, would adopt a specific resolution determining the date for the fourth special session on disarmament.

IAN KENYON (United Kingdom), Executive Secretary of the Preparatory Commission for the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons, spoke on progress towards implementation of the Chemical Weapons Convention. He said it had been signed by 160 States and the number of ratifications had reached 64 -- just one short of the figure needed to trigger its entry into force six months later.

A number of signatory States had made use of the longer than expected preparatory phase to carry out necessary domestic preparations, he said. Many more were expected to complete their ratification procedures in the near future. The list of ratifiers included a number of States with significant

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chemical industries. Nevertheless, uncertainty continued over the ratification timetables of the United States and the Russian Federation, the two largest possessors of chemical weapons. There was now a real prospect of the Convention entering into force without those two States, which between them had nearly 71,000 tons of chemical weapons.

Despite those uncertainties, the Preparatory Commission had laid the foundation for a reliable structure for the Convention's organization. It had worked detailed provisions on inspection procedures, including preparation of a draft inspection manual, health and safety guidelines, and a declaration handbook for declared facilities. About 400 inspections were now planned for the first year after the Convention's entry into force. Equipment needed for the full inspection programme had been identified, with initial quantities to be purchased once 65 States had deposited their instruments of ratification. Technical support facilities had been evaluated and arrangements made for training programmes in 14 countries and possibly others as well.

The Commission had begun its work with several assumptions, he said. One had been that the Russian Federation and the United States would be among the first 65 ratifiers of the Convention. The anticipated favourable vote in the United States Senate had failed to materialize. Although President Bill Clinton recently told the General Assembly that "I will not let this Treaty die", the matter of ratification by the United States must await more propitious times. While the Russian Federation had made progress in putting together a comprehensive programme for destruction of its chemical weapons stockpile, there was as yet no clear timetable for consent to ratification by the Russian Duma.

One obstacle to the destruction of their stockpiles by the two largest possessors of chemical weapons was its enormous cost, he said. It was also of concern that the Bilateral Agreement on Destruction and Non-Production of Chemical Weapons between the United States and the Russian Federation was not yet in force. That had put another basic assumption of the Commission into question -- namely, that it would be in force and in the process of implementation when the Convention entered into force.

The Preparatory Commission still faced a number of unfinished tasks, he said. It had yet to reach agreement on declaration issues relating to the chemical industry and chemical-weapon facilities. Neither had agreement been reached on verification measures for the inspection of chemical weapons, chemical-weapon production facilities converted to civilian use, and old and abandoned chemical-weapon sites. Not surprisingly, in the current period of relative uncertainty, critics were again questioning the Convention's ability to verify the destruction of existing chemical weapons.

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The Convention could not guarantee that chemical weapons would not be produced or used by States bent on cheating, or by terrorists, he said. What it could do was create a system that made it difficult to do so, through its monitoring of sensitive chemicals, challenge inspections, economic and political sanctions, and by creating a forum for collective action to combat the threat of chemical weapons. Perhaps more important, it would help establish a norm against the use of chemical weapons, so as to make that option politically unacceptable.

TARIG ALI-BAKHIT (Sudan) said the rising chorus of voices by the non- aligned States calling for complete nuclear disarmament still rang out. The international community was also duty-bound to contemplate the danger of conventional weapons. Those weapons fanned the flames of conflicts, shed blood and squandered resources, igniting conflicts and perpetuating the culture of war.

He said Africa was the home of 30 million of the 110 million anti- personnel land-mines in the world. The Sudan supported the position of the Review Conference of the Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons, calling on State producers to help clear those mines and to extend technical support and information. The Sudan looked for such support. It also called on those States which supplied rebels with those weapons to desist from such actions.

He said Israel's acquisition of an advanced nuclear programme outside IAEA safeguards, its refusal to support a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the Middle East, and its refusal to sign the NPT threatened the safety of its neighbours. Israel was the only State in the region outside the NPT regime. The Sudan supported the convening of a fourth special session on disarmament to lay the groundwork for future disarmament efforts.

MARTIN ANDJABA (Namibia) said his country had signed the CTBT despite its loopholes because it demonstrated the international community's willingness to halt the spread of nuclear weapons. In the same spirit, Namibia welcomed the programme of action for the elimination of nuclear weapons, calling for their phased elimination by the year 2020, submitted by the Group of 21 non-aligned members to the Conference on Disarmament.

Equally positive had been the World Court ruling on the use or threatened use of nuclear weapons, and the signing of treaties which now made the southern hemisphere and adjacent areas essentially nuclear-weapon free, he said. Nuclear disarmament should not be seen as weakness on the part of nuclear-weapon States, but rather as a factor contributing to international peace and security.

Like many countries in Africa, Asia and Latin America, Namibia faced the menace of anti-personnel land-mines, he said. The Southern Africa Development Community (SADC) and the European Union had been cooperating on mine-clearance

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in affected African countries. Countries producing anti-personnel land-mines were urged to reconsider those efforts and to help demine affected countries. Namibia supported ongoing initiatives aimed at banning anti-personnel land-mines, as well as the commendable work of some countries in mine- clearance.

MOHAMED AL-HASSAN (Oman) said that while the signing of the CTBT and the recent World Court advisory opinion were welcome developments, serious negotiations must begin for a convention on the complete prohibition and elimination of nuclear weapons, as called for in the NPT. One step towards that end was adherence to the NPT, which his country had decided to sign this year.

The elimination of nuclear weapons from the Middle East through the establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone there would not undermine the security of any State in the region, he said. On the contrary, it was a natural step which in his view would further the security of all States. Regional security could not be compromised, nor based on the national perception of one State. It was, above all, a commitment by all for the security of all. He once again called on Israel, the only State in the region that had not yet become party to the NPT nor placed its nuclear facilities under international safeguards, to do so as soon as possible.

The Committee's consideration of the problem of anti-personnel land-mines should be guided by realistic approaches, through multilateral negotiations aimed at forging viable solutions, he said. Also of profound interest to Oman was the question of peace in the Indian Ocean. Since becoming a member of the Ad Hoc Committee on the Indian Ocean, Oman had done its best to help that body discharge its mandate. While there had been some progress, the uncooperative attitude of some countries which were impeding implementation of Assembly resolutions for establishment of the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace, was regrettable.

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For information media. Not an official record.