ASSEMBLY WOULD CALL FOR UNIVERSAL ADHERENCE TO BIOLOGICAL WEAPONS CONVENTION, UNDER DRAFT RESOLUTION

22 October 1996

Press Release
GA/DIS/3061

ASSEMBLY WOULD CALL FOR UNIVERSAL ADHERENCE TO BIOLOGICAL WEAPONS CONVENTION, UNDER DRAFT RESOLUTION

19961022 Also, Papua New Guinea Says Nuclear Powers Should Undertake Reconstruction To Address Effects of Past Testing

The General Assembly would call on all States which had not yet done so to ratify the Convention on the Prohibition of the Development, Production and Stockpiling of Bacteriological (Biological) and Toxin Weapons and on Their Destruction (Biological Weapons Convention) without delay, under a draft resolution introduced this morning in the First Committee (Disarmament and International Security).

The representative of Hungary, who introduced the 44-Power text, said it would also have the Assembly call on States, not parties to the Convention, to sign it at an early date, thus contributing to its achievement of universality. There were now 139 States parties to the Convention, including the five permanent members of the Security Council, he said.

With the signing of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test Ban Treaty (CTBT), the nuclear-weapon Powers should now undertake long-term programmes of reconstruction, the representative of Papua New Guinea told the Committee as it continued its general debate. He said there was no point in applauding the CTBT without addressing the needs of those who had suffered from testing.

For example, the cessation of nuclear testing in French Polynesia did not guarantee that the people of Tahiti could live safely on the islands, as they had done for generations, he said. It was important to address the effects of past testing, which had impacted on the seabed and coral reefs, disturbing the marine ecosystem and affecting the people's very livelihood.

Also this morning, the representative of Sweden addressed the Committee in his capacity as President of the Review Conference of States Parties to the Convention on Prohibitions or Restrictions on the Use of Certain Conventional Weapons Which May Be Deemed to Be Excessively Injurious or to Have Indiscriminate Effects (Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons).

Reviewing the process that led to revision of the Convention's Protocol II on land-mines, he said the new provisions forbade the use of non-

detectable mines, as well as of those which did not self-destruct and self- deactivate within 120 days of activation. Anti-sensing devices were also forbidden, and responsibility for the clearing of mines was placed on the mine-laying party.

Statements were also made by the representatives of Ethiopia, United Republic of Tanzania, Viet Nam, Philippines, Chile, the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Bahrain, Nepal and Kenya. The representative of Germany also spoke, in his capacity as Chairman of the Disarmament Commission.

The First Committee will meet again at 10 a.m. on Thursday, 24 October, to continue its general debate.

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Committee Work Programme

The First Committee (Disarmament and International Security) met this morning to continue its general debate. It will discuss a number of international disarmament agreements, including the Comprehensive Nuclear- Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT) -- adopted by the General Assembly on 10 September -- and the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT). It will also discuss the Assembly's 1995 decision "to convene its fourth special session on disarmament in 1997, if possible".

The Committee will consider the Convention on the Prohibition of the Development, Production, Stockpiling and Use of Chemical Weapons and on Their Destruction (Chemical Weapons Convention) -- now one signature short of the 65 needed to enter into force -- as well as the Convention on the Prohibition of the Development, Production and Stockpiling of Bacteriological (Biological) and Toxin Weapons and on Their Destruction (Biological Weapons Convention).

Other agreements under discussion include the Convention on Prohibitions or Restrictions on the Use of Certain Conventional Weapons Which May Be Deemed to Be Excessively Injurious or to Have Indiscriminate Effects (Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons). Protocol II of the Convention, dealing with mines, booby-traps and other such devices, was revised in 1995 to include provisions on internal conflicts and the transfer of land-mines. An Additional Protocol IV was also adopted, banning the use and transfer of anti- personnel blinding laser weapons.

Regional agreements to be considered include the Treaty for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America and the Caribbean (Treaty of Tlatelolco), the South Pacific Nuclear-Free Zone Treaty (Treaty of Rarotonga), the South-East Asia Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zone Treaty, and the African Nuclear- Weapon-Free Zone Treaty (Pelindaba Treaty). Also under discussion is the Treaty on the Prohibition of the Emplacement of Nuclear Weapons and Other Weapons of Mass Destruction on the Seabed and the Ocean Floor and in the Subsoil Thereof (Seabed Treaty).

Other matters being considered by the Committee include the United Nations Register of Conventional Arms and the role of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) in the international non-proliferation regime. The Committee was also likely to consider such bilateral agreements as the Treaty on the Reduction and Limitation of Strategic Offensive Arms (START), as well as the signing last year by France, the United Kingdom and the United States of the Protocols to the Treaty of Rarotonga, which had already been signed by China and the Russian Federation.

It was also likely to discuss an advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice (ICJ), which ruled that States were obliged to pursue good-

faith negotiations aimed at complete nuclear disarmament. (For additional background, see Press Release GA/DIS/3051 of 10 October.)

Statements

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DURI MUHAMMED (Ethiopia) said weapons of mass destruction still posed a major challenge to international peace and security and should be completely eliminated. The cessation of nuclear-weapon test explosions under the CTBT would contribute to nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation, despite the Treaty's shortcomings. Serious consideration should be given to the proposal made by the non-aligned countries and other members of the Conference on Disarmament on a programme of action for the elimination of nuclear weapons.

He expressed hope that the remaining ratification of the Chemical Weapons Convention would be secured in the very near future. Ratification by the United States and the Russian Federation, the two declared chemical weapons Powers, was particularly important. The ongoing attempt to increase restrictions on chemicals and chemical-related technologies available to developing countries could undermine that Convention's effectiveness. All States must be treated the same.

After more than 30 years of strenuous efforts, African countries had attained their long-sought objective of declaring Africa a nuclear-weapon-free zone, he said. Ethiopia supported the initiative by Brazil and other countries to table a draft on a nuclear-weapon-free southern hemisphere and adjacent areas. With technical assistance and cooperation, his country had embarked on a demining programme. While there were encouraging results, much remained to be done to rid the region of land-mines, with international support.

GEOFFREY M. NKURLU (United Republic of Tanzania) said that less than four years from a new millennium, the international community was not yet moving towards a stable, secure and prosperous world. The world was still fraught with civil wars and ethnic conflicts, with more than 20,000 nuclear warheads and enormous stockpiles of biological and chemical weapons still in existence. The START II agreement was yet to take effect, and some nuclear- weapon States still clung to the policy of deterrence. That was a clear indication of their resolve to retain and perfect their nuclear arsenals. Regrettably, the CTBT had failed to live up to expectations, he said. The text was less than comprehensive, allowing the most technologically sophisticated nuclear States to continue the vertical proliferation of nuclear arsenals through other means. It reinforced the perpetual exclusivity of a nuclear-weapons club. He appealed to nuclear-weapon States to support the programme of action for the elimination of nuclear weapons, spearheaded by the "Group of 21" nations at the Conference on Disarmament.

Conventional weapons played a major role in fuelling conflicts, he said. Anti-personnel land-mines, one category of such weapons, had caused havoc and misery to tens of thousands of people, mostly women and children. While his country welcomed proposals to ban them, any prohibition must be within a comprehensive framework addressing all aspects of the problem if it was to be effective. Such a framework dealt both with the producers of the land-mines and with the underlying political conflicts of interest which those weapons served and sustained. Most importantly, the less-armed States needed assurance that such efforts were aimed at genuine disarmament, and were not a

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result of the insatiable appetite of the over-armed to disarm the rest of the world and hold it for political ransom.

PHAM QUANG VINH (Viet Nam) said that the question of international security and disarmament, especially nuclear disarmament, continued to be high on the Organization's agenda. Despite some progress, wars and conflicts persisted, while arsenals of nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction, though reduced, were still in existence.

The Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) had played an important role in enhancing cooperation in its region, he said. The establishment of the South-East Asia Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zone at ASEAN's initiation was a case in point. While multilateral disarmament treaties and agreements were important, it was crucial to cement the fundamental elements on which they were based. Security assurances were therefore most important, particularly for small and non-nuclear-weapon States.

Treaties must serve as building blocks towards attainment of the ultimate common goal, rather than as vehicles for delay or compromise, he said. Although his country had signed the CTBT, he wished to stress the need for verification, which should be implemented in a fair and impartial manner with full respect for the sovereignty of States.

JOHAN MOLANDER (Sweden), speaking as President of the Review Conference for the Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons, said the Conference had finally achieved a revision of the land-mine protocol, following particularly difficult negotiations. The sudden and growing support for a total ban on anti-personnel land-mines by more than 40 States had not been fully reflected, since many countries continued to consider such weapons as critical to their defence. Some therefore regarded the Conference as an inadequate compromise and failure -- a view with which he strongly disagreed.

The new provisions strengthened Protocol II, which had been extended to cover internal conflicts, he said. The use of non-detectable mines had been forbidden, along with those which did not self-destruct and self-deactivate within 120 days of activation. Anti-sensing devices were also forbidden, and general restrictions on their use had been strengthened, including further protection for peace-keeping and other United Nations missions. Penal sanctions would be imposed for violations, which would be treated as war crimes. The responsibility for clearing or maintaining such mines was placed on the mine-laying party. The next Review Conference would be held in 2001.

Since the Conference, a number of initiatives had been taken, aiming towards achievement of a comprehensive ban, he said. Sweden had recently undertaken a unilateral ban on all anti-personnel land-mines, including the destruction of its substantive stockpile within a set time-frame. In Central America, a regional agreement was reached to ban those mines, and a large group of countries recently joined in the Ottawa Declaration, committing themselves to the earliest possible conclusion of a legally binding ban.

Under the new rules, none of the present crisis situations relating to

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land-mines could have occurred at such a scale, he said. For that reason, and pending a total ban and destruction of all anti-personnel mines, swift and universal adherence to and implementation of the amended Protocol was of paramount importance. He added that the adoption in October 1995 of the protocol on blinding laser weapons had been a landmark event, for the first time banning a weapon before its deployment.

BLAS F. OPLE (Philippines) said recent disarmament achievements suffered from flaws inherited from partisan politics and the refusal to abandon cold war values. Potential and actual conflicts persisted. National and regional resources were consumed by conflicts, as well as by the insecurity and instability caused by the existence of weapons of mass destruction.

In his own region, where cold war values had once reigned supreme, a nuclear-weapon-free zone had now been established, he said. In 1991, the Philippine Senate had rejected an agreement that would have allowed the biggest United States military facilities to remain in the country. It had thus removed the final obstacle to negotiations in ASEAN for a nuclear-weapon- free zone in South-East Asia. Four years later, the Bangkok Treaty was signed. The challenge now was to link nuclear-weapon-free zones covering large parts of the globe. He therefore supported Brazil's initiative to that end.

The World Court had made a controversial declaration regarding the legality of the threat or use of nuclear weapons, he said. It was hoped that the Court's opinion would not result in a never-ending debate. Rather, attention should focus on its view that the obligation existed to pursue and conclude negotiations leading to nuclear disarmament. Also, the issue of security assurances for non-nuclear-weapon States, although more than three decades old, had lost none of its relevance. The Philippines viewed such assurances as another means of creating the political and legal conditions for the achievement of nuclear disarmament.

Land-mines and similar insidious devices were a matter of grave concern to all, he said. The Philippines had declared a total ban on such mines, recognizing very early on their sheer inhumanity and indiscriminate nature. Legislation to criminalize their use, possession or transfer was now being prepared. While his country fully supported the initiatives aimed at totally banning land-mines, it was hoped that attention would continue to focus on mine clearance and assistance to victims.

JUAN LARRAIN (Chile) said his country's commitment to the CTBT, despite its shortcomings and imperfections, was demonstrated by its active participation in the International Monitoring System that would form the backbone of the Treaty's verification regime. Chile would be contributing with a network of six stations on its territory and on Easter and Juan Fernandez Islands. For Chile, a member of the region covered by the Treaty of Tlatelolco, the CTBT simply meant a commitment not to initiate or participate in nuclear tests, an obligation by which all States now were bound. The Conference on Disarmament must now negotiate a treaty to ban the production of

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fissile materials for weapons purposes.

He said Chile had ratified the Chemical Weapons Convention, and called on the two chemical Powers to ratify it as soon as possible. On 17 June, Chile and 22 other States were admitted as members of the Conference on Disarmament. Peace and security required parallel action in the fields of social development, democracy and human rights. In a more secure and stable world, all States would assume a greater burden of that responsibility.

He said Chile attached particular importance to the holding of the fourth special session on disarmament, which would have a positive effect on the whole spectrum of disarmament issues. His country also continued its participation in regional efforts. It shared international concerns over the immense damage caused by anti-personnel land-mines, and had suspended their production and export. Chile had also contributed to contingents involved in mine clearance throughout wide areas of Central America.

NASTE CALOVSKI (the former Yugloslav Republic of Macedonia) said while the ordinary man or woman was not preoccupied with the possibility of nuclear catastrophe, the threats and roots of instability had not been eliminated. Although it was legitimate to possess arms for the purposes of national defence, to have more than was reasonably necessary created security problems for other countries, particularly neighbouring States.

Some of the basic aims of the General Assembly's resolution on promoting good-neighbourly relations among Balkan states were already being implemented, he said. While the Dayton peace process still required significant internal and international support, relations in the Balkans had been normalized. Measures to create a stable zone of peace there by the year 2000 should focus on the region's future within Europe.

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Regional and global efforts were needed to prevent the eruption of armed conflicts, which could turn quickly into wars, he said. Violent conflicts generated huge needs for arms, which could fall into the hands of illegal military formations and terrorists. It was therefore necessary to undertake measures to prevent the disintegration of States. He was working on a draft by which the Assembly would discuss that issue during its 1998 session.

The spirit of the CTBT was favourable to non-nuclear-weapon States, he said. Efforts towards the Chemical Weapons Convention and the Biological Weapons Convention should receive particular attention. In addressing the problem of excessive armament, transparency was important. The question of micro-disarmament deserved maximum attention. Everything possible should be done to ban anti-personnel land-mines, together with international aid for mine-clearance activities.

ABDELHAMEED HASAN (Bahrain) said the parameters of the new world order had yet to be defined. Nevertheless, there had been significant advances, revealing the challenges that lay ahead. The CTBT was a first step on the road to the elimination of all nuclear weapons, but it did not include a specific time-frame pledge for their dismantling. Persistence and good faith, it was hoped, would lead to the realization of that noble goal.

A year and a half since the indefinite extension of the NPT, that Treaty still lacked a universal character, he said. Israel's refusal to accede to it and to submit its nuclear facilities to IAEA safeguards was a great threat to peace and international security. It was also the major impediment to the establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the Middle East. Israeli intransigence, in defiance of repeated Security Council resolutions, was a serious challenge to the international community. He called on the Israeli Government to open its nuclear facilities to inspection under international auspices.

The establishment of nuclear-weapon-free zones consolidated regional and global security, he said. However, adherence to such zones should not be seen as a substitute for participation in the NPT regime. Equally important was the question of guarantees to non-nuclear-weapon States. The recent World Court opinion confirmed the obligation of nuclear-weapon States to pursue, in good-faith, negotiations for the total elimination of nuclear weapons.

Noting that the Chemical Weapons Convention was near its entry into force, he expressed regret that the two major chemical Powers had not yet ratified it, thus frustrating the hopes aroused when it was first opened for signature. The illicit transfer of arms was also a matter of serious concern, particularly when they fell into the hands of groups that recognized neither international law, humanitarian considerations nor common morality.

BIPIN KOIRALA (Nepal) said that while his country had signed the CTBT, that Treaty was not an end in itself. When the international community could conclude a legally binding convention on chemical and biological weapons, there was no reason why it could not also conclude a treaty on the elimination

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of nuclear weapons. The programme of action proposed by the Non-Aligned Movement and neutral countries could form the framework for such negotiations. It was legitimate to demand that the nuclear-weapon States agree to legally binding measures not to use or threaten the use of nuclear weapons.

He said Nepal supported the call for a ban on the production of fissile materials for weapons purposes. Equal attention must also be given to the elimination of other weapons of mass destruction. The Chemical Weapons Convention, for example, aimed at eliminating an entire class of deadly weapons. However, its effectiveness depended on its ratification by the major chemical-weapon Powers.

Illicit trafficking in conventional weapons had fuelled regional conflicts throughout the world, he said. The Disarmament Commission's guidelines on arms transfers was welcome, as was the Register of Conventional Arms. Nepal also fully supported a ban on the production, stockpiling, use and transfer of anti-personnel land-mines. The creation and consolidation of nuclear-weapon-free zones would be a blessing in the regions of South Asia and the Middle East. Regionally, the centre for peace and disarmament in Asia and the Pacific helped to build confidence and dispel mistrust.

WOLFGANG HOFFMAN (Germany), speaking as Chairman of the Disarmament Commission, said that body had included only two substantive items on its agenda for 1996: international arms transfers, and the fourth special session on disarmament. Its Working Group I had agreed on a set of guidelines for arms transfers, which struck a balance between the right of self-defence and the potentially destabilizing effects of illicit transfers.

The Commission's Working Group II held an extensive exchange of views on the fourth special session, he said. Members of the Non-Aligned Movement advocated convening it early in 1997, if possible, while the European Union and the United States stressed the importance of careful preparation and identification of its objectives. The Commission had yet to reach agreement on a third substantive item for consideration at that special session.

JIMMY OVIA (Papua New Guinea) said the establishment of regional nuclear-weapon-free zones built confidence and provided many non-nuclear- weapon States with the opportunity to combat the proliferation of nuclear and other weapons of mass destruction. His country had welcomed the signing of the Treaty of Rarotonga Protocols by France, the United Kingdom and the United States. By doing so, they had agreed to stop all forms of nuclear testing, manufacturing, storage and transshipment in the South Pacific region.

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Nevertheless, the dangers created by past nuclear testing had not been adequately addressed, he said. In the South Pacific, as well as in other regions, communities were still suffering from nuclear radiation and its effects. The nuclear-weapon States knew well of those long-term effects. Similarly, the cessation of French nuclear testing in French Polynesia did not guarantee that the people of Tahiti would be able to live safely on the islands, as they had done for so many generations. The impact on the seabed and coral reefs, along with the general disturbance of the marine ecosystem, affected the very livelihood of the people there.

He said many States had signed the CTBT. The best way to move forward now was to ask the nuclear-weapon Powers to embark on serious long-term programmes of reconstruction. There was no point in applauding the progress represented by the CTBT when the social and economic well-being of the victims of such testing was still impaired.

ESTHER M. TOLLE (Kenya) said that despite progress made in the disarmament sphere, much remained to be done. Anti-personnel land-mines continued to wreak havoc in many areas of the world, the illicit transfer of conventional arms continued unabated, toxic and radioactive wastes continued to find their way into shores and waters, and insecurity linked to poverty and underdevelopment continued to haunt the international community.

Despite many misgivings regarding the CTBT, Kenya had taken the first crucial step forward, she said. The NPT was an exceptionally important global mechanism, and the Treaties of Pelindaba, Rarotonga, Tlatelolco and Bangkok fortified the commitment of their signatories to nuclear disarmament. Agreements on the peaceful uses of nuclear technology should define the transfer of such technology. Kenya supported Brazil's initiative to promote a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the southern hemisphere.

She said she looked forward to the start of negotiations on a truly comprehensive cut-off treaty for fissile materials. Kenya supported the convening of the fourth special session on disarmament and thought the World Court's advisory opinion should be endorsed at the Assembly's current session. That opinion, together with the Security Council resolution 984 (1995), formed a moral basis for the work of the ad hoc committee on nuclear disarmament. The programme of action presented to the Conference on Disarmament on that matter provided the most logical approach to furthering complete nuclear disarmament.

[Note: By its resolution 984 (1995), the Security Council recognized the legitimate interest of non-nuclear-weapon States parties to the NPT to receive assurances that the Council, and above all its nuclear-weapon States permanent members, would act immediately, in accordance with the Charter, if such States were victim to an act or threat of aggression involving nuclear weapons.]

She expressed concern that the chemical weapons Convention had yet to receive clear endorsement by the two declared chemical-weapon Powers. With respect to anti-personnel land-mines, the States producers and sellers of

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those agents of death should be held accountable. They must stop their production and sale and assist in clearing affected areas. Similarly, countries that engaged in the illicit movements of arms, particularly where conflicts and civil strife persisted, should cease from such actions.3

Introduction of Draft Resolution

TIBOR TOTH (Hungary) introduced a 44-Power draft resolution on the Biological Weapons Convention (document A/C.1/51/L.2), which now had 139 States parties, including all five permanent members of the Security Council. By its terms, the Assembly would welcome progress made by the ad hoc group established by the Special Conference of States Parties to the Convention. It would have the Assembly ask the Secretary-General to continue assisting the Convention's depositary Governments. It would welcome the convening of the Convention's Fourth Review Conference from 25 November to 6 December in Geneva. It would have the Assembly call on all signatory States that had not yet done so to ratify the Convention without delay. It would also call on States that had not signed the Convention to become parties to it at an early date, thus contributing to its achievement of universality.

The draft resolution is sponsored by Argentina, Armenia, Australia, Austria, Belarus, Belgium, Brazil, Bulgaria, Canada, Chile, Colombia, Czech Republic, Denmark, Ecuador, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Guatemala, Hungary, India, Ireland, Italy, Japan, Monaco, Netherlands, New Zealand, Nicaragua, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Republic of Korea, Romania, Russian Federation, Singapore, Slovakia, South Africa, Spain, Sweden, The former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Turkey, Ukraine, United Kingdom and the United States.

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