PAKISTAN SAYS INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON SOUTH ASIA COULD HELP REMOVE CAUSES OF CONFLICT WITH INDIA
Press Release
GA/DIS/3060
PAKISTAN SAYS INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON SOUTH ASIA COULD HELP REMOVE CAUSES OF CONFLICT WITH INDIA
19961021 Speakers in First Committee Express Concern That CTBT Permits Improvement of Nuclear Weapons Through Lab TestingThe representative of Pakistan this afternoon called for a multilateral conference on peace and security in South Asia, which had been described as the most dangerous place in the world. Such a conference could help remove the underlying causes of conflict between India and Pakistan, including the Kashmir conflict, he told the First Committee (Disarmament and International Security), as it continued its general debate.
After a year in which Pakistan's neighbour prepared for a second nuclear test, declared its nuclear options open, again stated its determination to develop and deploy nuclear-capable missiles and opposed the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT), the international community must realize the importance of such a solution to the global quest for nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation, he said.
Along with a number of other speakers, he also expressed concern about the CTBT, saying it did not prevent the nuclear Powers from maintaining their weapons in operational readiness through non-explosive tests. The representative of Libya, stressing that the Treaty turned a blind eye to laboratory and other technical means of qualitatively improving nuclear weapons, said his country had therefore not signed it.
The Deputy Foreign Minister of Cuba expressed similar concerns about the Treaty. In addition, its adoption was forced through, rupturing the long- established procedures of the Conference on Disarmament, she said. The representative of Mongolia, a country deeply affected by test explosions, stressed the desirability of turning Central Asia into a nuclear-weapon-free zone.
Statements were also made by the representatives of Uruguay, Saudi Arabia, Thailand, Peru and the Lao People's Democratic Republic.
The Committee will meet again at 10 a.m. tomorrow, 22 October, to continue its general debate.
Committee Work Programme
The First Committee (Disarmament and International Security) met this afternoon to continue its general debate. It will discuss a number of international disarmament agreements, including the Comprehensive Nuclear- Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT) -- adopted by the General Assembly on 10 September -- and the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT). It will also discuss the Assembly's 1995 decision "to convene its fourth special session on disarmament in 1997, if possible".
The Committee will consider the Convention on the Prohibition of the Development, Production, Stockpiling and Use of Chemical Weapons and on Their Destruction (Chemical Weapons Convention) -- now one signature short of the 65 needed to enter into force -- as well as the Convention on the Prohibition of the Development, Production and Stockpiling of Bacteriological (Biological) and Toxin Weapons and on Their Destruction (Biological Weapons Convention).
Other agreements under discussion include the Convention on Prohibitions or Restrictions on the Use of Certain Conventional Weapons Which May Be Deemed to Be Excessively Injurious or to Have Indiscriminate Effects (Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons). Protocol II of the Convention, dealing with mines, booby-traps and other such devices, was revised in 1995 to include provisions on internal conflicts and the transfer of land-mines. An Additional Protocol IV was also adopted, banning the use and transfer of anti- personnel blinding laser weapons.
Regional agreements to be considered include the Treaty for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America and the Caribbean (Treaty of Tlatelolco), the South Pacific Nuclear Free Zone Treaty (Treaty of Rarotonga), the South-East Asia Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zone Treaty, and the African Nuclear- Weapon-Free Zone Treaty (Pelindaba Treaty). Also under discussion is the Treaty on the Prohibition of the Emplacement of Nuclear Weapons and Other Weapons of Mass Destruction on the Seabed and the Ocean Floor and in the Subsoil Thereof (Seabed Treaty).
Other matters being considered by the Committee include the United Nations Register of Conventional Arms and the role of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) in the international non-proliferation regime. The Committee was also likely to consider such bilateral agreements as the Treaty on the Reduction and Limitation of Strategic Offensive Arms (START), as well as the signing last year by France, United Kingdom and the United States of the Protocols to the Treaty of Rarotonga, which had already been signed by China and the Russian Federation.
It was also likely to discuss an advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice (ICJ), which ruled that States were obliged to pursue good- faith negotiations aimed at complete nuclear disarmament. (For additional background, see Press Release GA/DIS/3051 of 10 October.)
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Statements
JORGE PEREZ-OTERMIN (Uruguay) said the process leading to recent successes in disarmament had begun when the General Assembly, at its fiftieth session, called on the Conference on Disarmament to draw up a multilateral and verifiable treaty for the total prohibition of nuclear-test explosions. Uruguay had taken an active part in that process, and was one of the first to support Australia's initiative to bring the Treaty before the Assembly for its approval.
Nevertheless, that Treaty, although important, was only a first step on the road to the complete elimination of nuclear weapons, he said. His Government had doubts about certain aspects of the Treaty, which left States free to improve their weapons without recourse to atmospheric or underground tests. The World Court opinion on the use of nuclear weapons was a milestone. That pronouncement by the highest legal body of the United Nations system should serve as a basis for future legislation.
He welcomed the recent signing of the Bangkok and Pelindaba Treaties, as well as the signing of France, United Kingdom and the United States of the Rarotonga Protocols. Together with the Tlatelolco and Antarctica Treaties, they put the southern hemisphere well on its way towards becoming a nuclear- weapon-free region. Brazil's move to formally recognize that trend was most welcome.
He said Uruguay supported in principle the initiative by Germany to ban the production of anti-personnel land-mines, which were weapons of mass destruction in slow motion. Contingents from his country had suffered the effects of land-mines in Angola, Mozambique and Western Sahara. It was high time that those weapons be banned. Protocol II on the Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons was the right step in that direction. Uruguay would once again co-sponsor draft resolutions on mine-clearance and for a ban on the production and transfer of anti-personnel land-mines.
MARIA DE LOS ANGELES FLOREZ PRIDA, Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs of Cuba, said that despite positive steps forward, disarmament efforts must continue. A certain nuclear Power had declared that the Conference on Disarmament would address the question of nuclear disarmament; an ad hoc committee should be established for that purpose.
The World Court's advisory opinion was confirmation by the highest multilateral legal body of the absolute priority attached to the total elimination of nuclear weapons, she said. The CTBT fell short of expectations. It merely prohibited the carrying out of test explosions, but did not reflect a commitment to end the qualitative improvement of such weapons. In addition, its adoption was forced through, rupturing the long- established procedures of the Conference on Disarmament.
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She said Cuba was actively involved in efforts in support of a verification protocol for the Biological Weapons Convention. Such a protocol should ensure compliance with all provisions of that convention, including those on the peaceful exchange and transfer of materials. The situation surrounding the entry into force of the Chemical Weapons Convention was a matter of grave concern. The failure by the two main possessors of such weapons to ratify it opened up the possibility that it might become another Non-Proliferation Treaty.
She said a fourth special session on disarmament would reaffirm the importance the international community attached to disarmament and define the role the United Nations should play. The preparatory committee should meet in the beginning of 1997, and the special session be convened in 1999. Priority attention should be given to achieving universal adherence to Protocol II on anti-personnel land-mines. Cuba used such mines only for protection of its border and favoured their use strictly for defence.
MOHAMED A. TAYEB (Saudi Arabia) said regional and international achievements in nuclear disarmament had raised hopes for progress towards the complete elimination of nuclear weapons and weapons of mass destruction. In the Middle East, the United Arab Emirates and Djibouti had acceded to the NPT and his country would do so shortly. Thus, all Middle Eastern countries would be parties to the Treaty except Israel, which had refused to accede to it. Also significant was the recent unanimous opinion by the World Court affirming the obligation of States to negotiate in good faith towards the elimination of nuclear weapons. That had a direct bearing on the commitment undertaken by States parties to the NPT.
All this should lead to greater international cooperation towards realizing a world free of nuclear weapons, he said. Nevertheless, legal instruments could not achieve their aims unless they were universal, multilateral and verifiable. States such as Israel, which refused to join the NPT, represented a great threat to international peace and security. Systems of verification and safeguards must be developed to prevent any party from the sort of abuse as occurred in Iraq.
He said Saudi Arabia participated in regional efforts aimed at the elimination of nuclear weapons and weapons of mass destruction. On 9 August, it signed the Chemical Weapons Convention; it was now a party to all treaties relating to weapons of mass destruction.
While other regions around the world were cooperating to establish nuclear-weapon-free zones, the Middle East had been unable to do so, he said. The reason for that was Israel's refusal to cooperate, despite numerous General Assembly and Security Council resolutions in support of such a zone. Israel was trying to keep the issue outside the United Nations, just as it kept the Organization outside the Middle East peace process, even though it
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was the United Nations that established the State of Israel. The States of the Middle East hoped that the peace process would encourage Israel to respond to international and regional concerns regarding nuclear weapons in the Middle East.
JARGALSAIKHANY ENKHASAIKHAN (Mongolia) said that despite positive developments, bolder efforts were needed to drastically reduce the arsenals of warfare. The question of the complete elimination of nuclear weapons should be addressed in earnest.
The CTBT had special significance for Mongolia since it was one of the countries most affected by nuclear-test explosions. However, the CTBT was not perfect, as it failed to ban further improvement of nuclear weapons through laboratory tests and did not adequately address the question of nuclear disarmament. Nevertheless, Mongolia had signed the Treaty and would ratify it in due time. The Treaty's credibility rested on effective verification. Mongolia would therefore participate in the International Monitoring System and had offered to have a number of seismic stations on its territory.
He commended Belarus, Kazakstan and Ukraine for the removal of 3,400 nuclear weapons from their territories. It was also gratifying that the Russian Federation and the United States were reducing their strategic arsenals well ahead of the schedule. In two years, the United Kingdom would reduce its nuclear arsenal to one weapon system, while France had declared its intention to abolish its land-based nuclear missiles altogether. However, the existence of vast nuclear stockpiles indicated a long road towards a safer world.
In 1992, Mongolia declared its territory nuclear-weapon free, he said. It did so to avoid being drawn into the nuclear calculations of others by precluding the deployment of nuclear weapons on its territory. Turning the Central Asian region into a nuclear-weapon-free zone would help maintain and strengthen stability in the subregion and its strategically important adjacent areas.
He said ratification of the Chemical Weapons Convention by all States, especially the two with the largest chemical arsenals, would be an important step in eliminating an entire class of weapon. The Biological Weapons Convention should be further reinforced through a legally binding and effective verification regime. Transparency in armaments and enhanced control over illicit trafficking were also important. While land-mines were essential to ensure the inviolability of Mongolia's borders, his country was considering accession to the land-mines protocol of the Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons.
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ASDA JAYANAMA (Thailand) said the Assembly's adoption of the CTBT had put in place one additional mechanism for nuclear disarmament and the elimination of all nuclear weapons. The task for the future was to adopt further such mechanisms and ensure their complementarity and relevance. The CTBT was an invaluable complement to the NPT and its safeguards; the relationship between the two regimes should be enhanced and strengthened. The States parties to the NPT should make further efforts to fulfil their obligations under the Treaty. Thailand would participate actively in the NPT Review Conference scheduled for the year 2000, beginning with the first Preparatory Committee meeting next year.
With the NPT and CTBT in place, the next logical step was to intensify efforts to negotiate a ban on the production of fissile materials for weapons purposes, he said. Such negotiations could take place simultaneously with talks on a phased programme towards the ultimate elimination of nuclear weapons within a time-bound framework. Those negotiations could take place within the Conference on Disarmament. In the meanwhile, Thailand supported the programme of action for the elimination of nuclear weapons submitted by 21 States members of the Conference earlier this year.
Thailand also welcomed the historic advisory opinion of the World Court. While it did not categorically spell out the legality or illegality of the use or threatened use of nuclear weapons under any circumstances, it provided a firm foundation for public opinion. That public reaction had so far been loud and clear, particularly from peoples in States which did not possess or aspire to possess nuclear weapons. It had also made itself clear through the establishment of nuclear-weapon-free zones throughout the world. Such efforts should be vigorously pursued.
As a signatory to the Chemical Weapons Convention, Thailand was now accelerating its legal process to achieve swift ratification, he said. It was also closely following the work aimed at improving the Biological Weapons Convention. Particularly gratifying was the agreement on an amended Protocol II relating to anti-personnel land-mines. As a land-mine-affected country which did not export or manufacture them, Thailand would continue to work with the international community to realize the goals of the Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons.
FERNANDO GUILLEN (Peru) said the CTBT represented a first step towards nuclear disarmament, but it should not be seen as replacing a comprehensive programme to that end. According to the World Court, all States were obliged to undertake good-faith negotiations on nuclear disarmament. However, those countries that did not possess nuclear weapons should not be required to verify such a ban.
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He said Peru would participate in consultations aimed at banning the production, use, stockpiling and transfer of anti-personnel land-mines. The Organization of American States (OAS) was to be commended for urging the establishment of a zone free from anti-personnel land-mines on the American continent. To strengthen regional activities, the specific characteristics of each region must be considered. Regrettably, the United Nations Regional Centre in Latin America and the Caribbean had been suspended.
IBRAHIM A. ALBESBAS (Libya) said that the World Court's advisory opinion had confirmed that nothing in regular or customary international law justified the use or threatened use of nuclear weapons. Libya supported any measures that might relieve the world of the nuclear threat. A party to the NPT, it had also signed the Pelindaba Treaty this year. Regrettably, it found the text of the CTBT lacked comprehensiveness. Although the Treaty banned explosive tests, it turned a blind eye to laboratory and other technical methods for the qualitative improvement of nuclear weapons. The Treaty, thus, did not cover all tests aimed at developing nuclear weapons. For those reasons, Libya had not signed it.
He welcomed the decision by the Conference on Disarmament to accept the membership of 23 new countries. It was hoped that trend would continue, so that all countries wishing to participate could obtain membership without restriction. The Conference was also urged to take immediate steps towards negotiating a cut-off convention on production of fissile materials for weapons purposes.
In view of the 1995 decision on indefinite extension of the NPT, the meetings of the Preparatory Committee for the NPT Review Conference in the year 2000 acquired great importance, he said. It was hoped those meetings would help prepare properly for the next conference and implement the resolutions and recommendations of the 1995 Conference. That should include consideration of the necessary measures to give non-nuclear-weapon States guarantees against the use or threatened use of such weapons. It was high time for the Conference on Disarmament to appoint an expert committee to study that question, with a view to reaching an agreement making such guarantees mandatory.
It was regrettable that, despite the increase in nuclear-weapon-free zones, the Middle East still suffered from the spectre of nuclear terror, he said. The Israelis were the only nuclear Power in the region. They alone refused to accede to the NPT or to place their nuclear facilities under IAEA safeguards. They were the only impediment to the establishment of a nuclear- weapon-free zone in the Middle East.
ALOUNKEO KITTIKHOUN (Lao People's Democratic Republic) said it was regrettable that the CTBT did not include the specific time-frame for the total elimination of nuclear weapons. Nevertheless, despite its imperfection,
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the Treaty, if rigorously implemented, would help prevent the nuclear-weapon States from upgrading their nuclear arsenals and the non-nuclear-weapon States from acquiring such weapons.
Nuclear-weapon-free zones seemed to strengthen international peace and security, he said. As a demonstration of the genuine aspiration of regions to be free of the nuclear threat, they should be supported. The World Court had given a strong signal that it was about time to do everything possible to rid the planet of nuclear weapons and save humanity from a nuclear holocaust.
He said the United Nations regional centres for peace and disarmament promoted arms control and helped build confidence and trust. His country, which had been victimized by the unexploded ordnance of anti-personnel land- mines left by a 30-year war, was fully aware of their destructive consequences. Together with the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF), it had established a trust fund for mine clearance. In addition, a national programme now aimed at reducing the number of civilian casualties while increasing the availability of land for food production and development.
MUNIR AKRAM (Pakistan) said that despite recent disarmament achievements, over 30,000 nuclear weapons remained in operational readiness. The NPT's extension had been construed by some as legitimizing their indefinite possession of nuclear weapons. Some States refused to contemplate multilateral negotiations for nuclear disarmament. The Chemical Weapons Convention was likely to come into force without the two declared chemical Powers. And the CTBT would not prevent the nuclear Powers from maintaining their weapons in operational readiness through non-explosive tests.
Unless the approach to global disarmament changed, the network of disarmament agreements was likely to become a tangled web of inequity, offering total security to powerful and advanced States and consigning the small and weak to complete insecurity, he said. The milestone advisory opinion of the World Court had upheld the view that the nuclear Powers had an obligation to conduct and conclude negotiations towards complete nuclear disarmament. Pakistan, together with the group of 21 nations at the Conference on Disarmament, had pressed for creation of an ad hoc committee on nuclear disarmament in that body. Pakistan held the view that each disarmament measure should be negotiated through the most appropriate mechanism for that particular measure, be it bilateral, regional, multilateral or global. Pakistan did not agree that nuclear disarmament should be negotiated solely by the nuclear Powers.
He said South Asia had been described as the most dangerous place in the world. The core cause of tension there was the Kashmir dispute and the brutal denial of the right of self-determination to the Kashmiri people. It was
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hoped that genuine bilateral dialogue between India and Pakistan would soon begin, in accordance with Security Council resolutions.
The Prime Minister of Pakistan had recently proposed the convening of a multilateral conference on peace and security in South Asia, he said. Such a conference could help remove the underlying causes of conflict between India and Pakistan, including Kashmir. It could also promote agreements on conventional arms control and regional confidence-building measures, including mutually agreed force ratios and measures to avoid surprise attack. It could promote measures for nuclear restraint, the avoidance of nuclear-weapons proliferation, and non-development and non-deployment of nuclear-capable missiles.
After a year during which Pakistan's neighbour made preparations for a second nuclear test, when it declared its nuclear options open, when it again stated its determination to develop and deploy nuclear-capable missiles and when it opposed the CTBT, the international community must realize that a solution to South Asia's problems was indispensable for the success of global endeavours aimed at nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation, he said.
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