SECRETARY-GENERAL SAYS SECURITY COUNCIL REFORM INTEGRAL TO WIDER REFORM EFFORT NEEDED TO BREAK CYCLE OF CRISES AFFECTING UNITED NATIONS
Press Release
SG/SM/5944
SECRETARY-GENERAL SAYS SECURITY COUNCIL REFORM INTEGRAL TO WIDER REFORM EFFORT NEEDED TO BREAK CYCLE OF CRISES AFFECTING UNITED NATIONS
19960401 Following is the address given by Secretary-General Boutros Boutros- Ghali at the Korea Conference on the United Nations held in Seoul, Republic of Korea, on 1 April:I am delighted to visit the Republic of Korea once again, and to speak to you, friends and supporters of the United Nations.
I deeply appreciate the initiative taken by the Korean Association of International Studies, the Ilmin International Relations Institute of Korea University, and the United Nations Association of Korea. The work you have done to arrange this important conference is a significant contribution, not only to the United Nations, but also to public understanding of today's world situation.
In the promotion of global peace in this post-cold war era, the international community has many different needs. Each country is unique, with the potential to make a distinct contribution to the international community. Individual Member States must decide for themselves how best to fulfil their international responsibilities.
The achievements of the Republic of Korea may stand as an inspiration to States and peoples everywhere. The Republic of Korea is achieving high rates of economic growth, rapidly reducing income inequalities and alleviating poverty. The Republic of Korea is not only a symbol of economic success, but also of great cultural vitality. The Republic of Korea is not only a positive force for international security, but also a model for the process of democratization.
Today, therefore, I should like to recognize and thank the Republic of Korea for its continued support of many aspects of United Nations work. The Republic of Korea's dedication to the principles and goals of the United Nations is greatly appreciated. The Republic of Korea's admission into United Nations membership in 1991 was a positive development, not only for the United Nations, but also for this region and for the world.
In his address to the special commemorative session of the General Assembly on the occasion of the Organization's fiftieth anniversary, last October, your President described the Republic of Korea as "one of the success stories of the United Nations". This is, clearly, a matter of legitimate pride, both for the Republic of Korea, and for the United Nations.
Since being admitted to the United Nations, the Republic of Korea has taken an active role in the Organization's peace-keeping and humanitarian efforts. During my visit to Africa last year, I was impressed by a team of doctors from the Republic of Korea providing humanitarian assistance in Western Sahara, and a team of the country's engineers building bridges and roads in Angola.
I would like to express my deep thanks to the Republic of Korea for its contributions to United Nations peace-keeping. And this year, the Republic of Korea's voluntary financial contributions to United Nations agencies have risen by over 65 per cent. Moreover, I congratulate the Republic of Korea on its membership in the Security Council, and express my appreciation for its active and effective participation during the current session. The Permanent Representative of the Republic of Korea, Ambassador Park Soo Gil, has, in the first few months of the Republic of Korea's membership in the Security Council, already contributed much wise advice and impressive knowledge of international law.
Finally, I pray that soon we sill witness the reunification of the Korean Peninsula, and that peace will prevail in this region.
In this new global era, each of the principal organs of the United Nations must be seen in a new light. Change is desirable, inevitable and necessary. The General Assembly needs to enhance its role as the world's great representative body of States. The World Court can lead the way towards a revitalization of international law. The Economic and Social Council can become the coordinating body for development that it was meant to be, and can provide a point of contact for the new non-State players -- businesses, unions, and non-governmental organizations -- in world affairs.
Today, I would like to say a few words about the Security Council. It is not for a Secretary-General to evaluate, advocate, or in any way express a position on the serious and important proposals put forward on Security Council reform. Why, then, have I chosen to address this topic with you today? My purpose is to emphasize the importance of Security Council reform. To review briefly the character of the proposals under discussion. And to point out that Security Council reform is linked to the entire set of grave and urgent crises now facing the United Nations as an Organization.
Security Council reform is a critical issue of our time. It must be dealt with seriously, carefully, and responsibly. It can be at the heart of a
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United Nations transformed into a truly effective system for the maintenance of international peace and security, now and into the future.
Since the beginning of this decade, the Security Council has become a far more active and effective decision-making body than it was during the cold war period. The Council is an impressive example that structures and mechanisms available to us can adapt and evolve to meet new challenges. In crisis after crisis over the past few years, those who have sat on the Council have been part of a transforming and positive process of change.
In recent years, the Council has met on an almost continuous basis. It deals with situations as they arise. It monitors the many peace operations on the basis of my reports. It adopts resolution after resolution to respond to changing requirements. To illustrate, in 1987 the Council met 49 times, adopted 14 resolutions, and issued nine Presidential Statements. Last year, in 1995, the Council met 130 times, adopted 66 resolutions, and issued 63 Presidential Statements.
The Council has met to analyse threats to international peace and security, as in the case of Iraq. To call on antagonists to turn back from the threshold of violence, as in the case of Burundi. To take a range of actions to prevent, control and resolve conflicts, as in the case of preventive deployment in The former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. To gather world support for its mandates, such as arms embargoes. It has undertaken fact-finding missions of its own, as in the case of Somalia. And it has established, as subsidiary organs, tribunals on war crimes in the former Yugoslavia and in Rwanda.
One of the Council's great recent achievements has been its careful and deliberate search for consensus within its own ranks. Council members have achieved a greater degree of harmony and cohesion in dealing with their agenda than was considered possible during the first four decades of the Council's existence.
The work has often been frustrating. There have been setbacks and there have been successes. Overall, the example of the Security Council's performance should be an inspiration to all who must face the agonizing decisions of this age of ambiguity and change.
But the same changes in the world scene that have led to increased and increasingly effective Security Council action also have given rise to new concerns about the Council. There is widespread agreement among Member States that the Council's present membership and composition do not reflect the realities of economic and political change, and are unrepresentative of the membership at large.
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There are concerns that the Council has been exceeding its mandate. Most of the conflicts now dealt with are not international, but internal, as in Somalia or Haiti. This raises questions of interference. The positive creation of multi-functional peace-keeping operations to deal with such conflicts has generated a new set of non-military activities and budgetary questions related to peace-keeping, which many feel justify a greater role for the General Assembly.
Finally, there is concern that the unprecedented scale of peace operations -- which at one point, in December 1994, reached a total of 17 operations with nearly 70,000 troops deployed -- has drawn attention and resources away from the crucial demands of development.
Thus it was inevitable, and today is not only appropriate but desirable, that Member States are calling for change in the composition of the Council and in the way it will carry out its responsibilities. Security Council reform is essential in order to sustain the Council's authority, legitimacy and effectiveness. It is imperative if the United Nations is to deliver on its potential to apply an integrated approach -- covering political, security, economic and social dimensions -- to the complex challenges of this new era.
Article 23 of the United Nations Charter names the permanent members of the Security Council. That Article also empowers the General Assembly to elect non-permanent members of the Council. Article 27 outlines the rules for voting in the Council. Both Articles were amended by act of the General Assembly on 17 December 1963. The amendments came into force on 31 August 1965. The amendment to Article 23 enlarged the membership of the Council from 11 to 15. And the amendment to Article 27 raised the number of affirmative votes needed for a decision -- including the concurring votes of the five permanent members -- from seven to nine.
This precedent tells us that the Charter can be amended to fit changing circumstances and new needs. It also tells us that such amendment is a matter entirely within the hands of the Member States themselves, acting through the General Assembly. It is this precedent that provides inspiration and guidance to the General Assembly working group on Security Council reform.
As Secretary-General, I have responded to requests of the General Assembly to support this process. The Secretariat invited Member States to submit comments on possible reform of the Security Council. Based on the replies received, as well as debates of the General Assembly and the working group, three compilations were prepared, summarizing the views of Member States. In addition, the Secretariat has provided analytical papers, undertaken informal consultations, conducted seminars, and carried out background research in support of this process.
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Today, I will not try to summarize each of the many proposals for reform made by individual Member States or groups of States. Let me, instead, try to outline for you the various issues involved and where they stand at present. There are four basic issues under consideration: to increase the permanent membership; to increase non-permanent membership only; to consider the number of affirmative votes needed for the Council to act -- the "action threshold"; and to enhance the working methods of the Security Council.
First, with regard to the permanent membership, there seems to be widespread recognition that enlargement is in order. Most assume that any new members would be drawn from the industrialized world. But today, the developing world is understandably reluctant to further increase the heavy imbalance of permanent members towards the industrialized world. Reaching agreement on candidates that have the capacity to contribute to international peace and security, and those that would improve the Council's geographical representation, is one of the principal challenges that reform proposals must overcome.
The debate over whether new permanent members should have the same rights as existing permanent members, including the veto, has been central. The creation of various new secondary classes of permanent membership have been proposed, but many countries have also taken the position that all permanent members -- new and old -- should have the same rights. While many proposals have argued for limiting or even abolishing veto rights for all permanent members, there remains no indication that any such proposals could obtain the necessary agreement of all of the existing permanent members.
The proposed solutions to this difficulty fall generally into broad categories, such as to add new permanent members from the developing world in order to address the existing imbalance, or to allocate additional new non- permanent seats to developing countries, together with other measures intended to give the non-permanent seats more significance. Such measures could include allowing non-permanent members to be immediately re-elected, or raising the action threshold for Council decisions.
Second are proposals that would increase the non-permanent membership only. One recent line of thinking has been that if agreement on permanent membership expansion cannot be reached now, expansion should take place in non-permanent seats only, for the time being.
Many proposals for non-permanent expansion involve some form of rotation system. Others would define a new set of regional groups: Western Europe, Central and Eastern Europe, Middle East and Mahgreb, Africa, Central and South Asia, East Asia and Oceania, and the Americas.
Third is the issue of how many votes should be needed for the Council to act. The present action threshold for the Council stands at 60 per cent.
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Decisions (except on procedural matters) require nine of 15 votes (and no negative votes by a permanent member). Raising the number of affirmative votes needed for the Council to act has been incorporated into some proposals as a means of enhancing the importance of the non-permanent seats. In this way, an effective "group veto" might be created for the developing world -- without placing that veto into the hands of any single State. By greatly enhancing the strength and importance of the new non-permanent members, raising the threshold for Council action is seen by some as a key element of a new framework, which balances the possible addition of permanent members from the industrialized world with measures to strengthen the voice of the developing world.
Fourth are measures taken to enhance the transparency and working methods of the Security Council. Such steps do not require Charter amendment, and many have already been taken. These include: briefings by the President of the Security Council for non-members; meetings between members of the Council, troop-contributing countries, and the secretariat on peace-keeping operations; more open meetings of the Council, especially in the early stage of considering an issue; daily publication of the Council agenda, including informal consultations; monthly circulation of the forecast of work of the Council, including forthcoming reports by the Secretary-General; availability of draft Council resolutions in their provisional form, at the same time Council members receive them; and steps towards greater transparency in the procedures relating to sanctions.
These, then, are the four basic issues: increasing permanent membership; increasing non-permanent membership; the "action threshold", and the Council's working methods. I have reviewed these issues to underline the continued importance of this effort at reform.
Without any doubt, the world has entered an unprecedented period in its history. Both peril and potential will mark the years ahead. Participation in the work of the United Nations will be essential. All Member States should take the most positive view towards the accepted principles of participation and equity in the universal Organization that is the United Nations. That commitment to participation can be realized through a reformed system of Security Council membership and increasingly open and participatory working methods of the Security Council.
This will lead to greater legitimation of the work of the United Nations. Reforms in Council membership and working methods will create ideas, foster communication, improve coordination, and gain wider acceptance for the decisions of the Organization. The immensely difficult tasks that lie ahead for the international community will require this wider and deeper foundation for common action.
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And, in turn, these improvements will further the democratization of the international system itself. States in every part of the world are now aware that issues they once considered internal and subject to their policy decisions alone now are affected by vast forces of globalization. In this recognition, States simply will not, and should not, accept a situation in which global issues are dealt with by representatives of only a few of the most powerful States, acting often behind closed doors.
Participation, legitimation, and democratization will be key to the common progress of the international community of States as we move into the next century. All three can be served by Security Council reform. And all three can be guiding principles in the wider reform effort, of which Security Council reform is one, integral element.
The United Nations Organization faces several major crises today. In addition to the structural problem of Security Council reform of which I have spoken, there is: the financial crisis caused by massive Member States' arrears; the reform of the scale of assessments for Member States' contributions; the budget crisis, in which the General Assembly requires me to cut $154 million more from a budget I have already cut to less than zero growth in real terms; and the administrative challenge of Secretariat streamlining -- a problem which I have been addressing since my first day in office. Further effort will require decisions beyond those available to a Secretary-General alone -- decisions that only Member States can make.
All these crises are interrelated. For example, some Member States may accept an increased assessment if changes are made in the membership of the Security Council. So each crisis needs to be considered in the context of the others.
Somehow, the cycle of crisis now affecting the United Nations must be broken. It is important to work on all fronts. For this reason, the task of Security Council reform should not be allowed to lose momentum. After two years of serious effort, the problem of Council membership and voting procedures remains unsolved. It is imperative that Member States carry this effort forward.
The stakes are high. The outcome can be a United Nations prepared better than ever to work for its Member States towards building a better world.
The first 50 years of the United Nations must be a prologue to the most important and challenging phase ever in world history, and to a time of unparalleled success for all.
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