press conference on Security Council’s work programme for july

Briefing correspondents at Headquarters today on the Security Council’s schedule for July, Council President Guangya Wang ( China) said situations in Africa would take up more than 50 per cent of the calendar, with the Middle East as its second main focus and matters elsewhere in the world running third.

Turning quickly to a question-and-answer session dominated by Darfur and Iran’s nuclear programme, he responded both as Council President and in his national capacity.  Replying to a series of questions about Sudan, he recalled the joint statement issued by the African Union last month, the United Nations and the Government of Sudan, in which that Government unconditionally accepted the United Nations-African Union “hybrid force” proposed by former Secretary-General Kofi Annan.

Describing that as a major development, he recalled also that a Security Council mission had visited Addis Ababa and Khartoum and, in the Sudanese capital, had received clear assurances from the President and Foreign Minister that they unconditionally accepted the proposed hybrid force.  Thus, the Council should work out an “enabling resolution” endorsing the proposals from the African Union and United Nations, and some of its members were working on that.  Hopefully, all Council members valued what had been achieved and would adopt a forward-looking approach in order to build upon what had been agreed.  Everyone wanted to see the crisis in Darfur relieved and an early solution achieved.  It would probably be possible to start looking at a draft resolution on a hybrid force “starting sometime next week”.

Asked his reaction to an operative paragraph in the proposed draft resolution, which stated that, in the event the parties failed to fulfil their commitments, the Council would take further measures 90 days after adoption of the text, presumably meaning the imposition of sanctions.

He reiterated his country’s feeling that a forward-looking approach was needed now, adding that talking about sanctions in the context of approving a hybrid resolution might send “different signals” and further complicate the situation on the ground.

To a correspondent who asked what China had done to make President Omer al-Bashir change his mind about accepting the hybrid force, he said the Sudanese Government had made its own decision.  As far as China’s position was concerned, when Mr. Annan had proposed the hybrid last November, China had been among the first to support it.  Last September, when President al-Bashir was in New York, he had proposed an “AU-plus” formula, which was more or less the same as that of the former Secretary-General.  Therefore, it was Sudan’s own decision, “with friendly advice from a number of countries”.

He assured correspondents that China had played a constructive role and had a “good tradition” of relations with the Sudan, as with the rest of Africa, dating back 50 years.  They all belonged to the South, and China would continue to support the economic and social development off African countries.

Emphasizing that the crisis in Darfur had nothing to do with his country’s policy, which had been consistent, he “totally rejected” assertions that China was “playing its role within its methods” and trying to help find a solution to the Darfur crisis.  It would continue to play that role.

As for whether he envisaged a peacekeeping force for Chad and the Central African Republic, he said that, from its visits to the region, the Council had the impression that their relations with the Sudan were improving.  Chad and the Central African Republic were listed in the footnote of the Council’s programme for July, and the Secretariat was “thinking of doing something”.  It was understood, however, that the two countries had a slightly different position with regard to the United Nations dispatching forces on the ground.

In response to a question about assistance to Africa, he reiterated that China was very close to African countries, regardless of their policies or domestic affairs.  It would continue to help its brothers and not interfere in the internal affairs of another country.  China’s practice was not in competition with that of others.

To several questions about Iran, he said his country would work with others to ensure that the non-proliferation regime was maintained and that all nuclear programmes were peaceful.  As far as China was concerned, the Iranian nuclear issue “belonged more to the International Atomic Energy Agency [IAEA]” which was the nuclear watchdog.  In January last year, there had been a statement by six Foreign Ministers saying that the Security Council should take action to reinforce action by the Agency, so the Iranian issue was also partly with the Security Council now.

He added that there were two tracks, one the Security Council track, and the other the diplomatic track.  The Council track included elements in its resolution that reinforced and supported diplomatic initiatives by the European Union and IAEA.  Now that Agency Director General Mohamed ElBaradei and the Europeans had respectively had discussions and contacts with the Iranian leadership, more emphasis was needed on the diplomatic track.

Noting that it might not be the right moment for the Council to consider tougher measures in the sanctions area, he said that, whether on Iran or any other issue, China was always had reservations about sanctions.  Discussions on Iran’s nuclear programme should be reinvigorated, and other parties with a direct interest in finding a solution should engage in direct talks with the Iranians as well.

Asked if he wanted the issue of Iran returned to the IAEA, and whether that was a change of position, he said that was China’s consistent position, “even in this corridor”.  The IAEA was the watchdog and, therefore, had the main role to play.  Last year, the six Foreign Ministers had decided that the Council should take some action to reinforce the Agency’s authority, but the Council should not forget its mandate; its role was not to replace the Agency, but to reinforce it.

Everyone recognized that Iran was part of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT), and, as such, had a right to enjoy the peaceful use of nuclear technology, he replied to a further question.  No one should deprive Iran of that right, which had been the incentive to join the Treaty.  However, in order to build confidence in Iran’s nuclear programme, a suspension of its uranium enrichment had been requested.

As for whether he could confirm rumours that some European members of the Council were seeking the adoption of a new sanctions resolution on Iran, he said he would never confirm or speculate about rumours.  However, it was understood that the “EU 3 plus 3”, which included China, had exchanged views on what to do next.  The main idea among the six had been to help the diplomatic initiatives; so if there was any draft resolution concerning sanctions, it might not be helpful at the moment.  If someone was thinking of circulating a sanctions resolution while negotiations were under way, that was also not helpful.

Was China happy that the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea was asking for fuel shipments before shutting down its reactor as promised? a correspondent asked.  He replied that the situation had seen “major progress”.  The six-party track had produced good results and there had been important bilateral contacts within that framework, particularly between the United States and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea.  China insisted on the six-party track and was sure that, with efforts made by all sides, the diplomatic endeavour could produce good results.

Asked about Kosovo and the summit between Presidents George Bush and Vladimir Putin, he said the summit was certainly important and the Security Council would follow very closely to see what impact that would have on its work.  As far as Kosovo was concerned, the Council would discuss the standards issue next Monday, and hold consultations with Special Representative Joachim Rücker.  As for the status issue, Member States were still divided, and it was not clear if the Bush-Putin summit had narrowed their differences.  As President of the Council, China was in the hands of its members.

However, if the two parties directly concerned, the Serbians and Kosovars, came up with a solution, the other Council members would feel at ease, he said in reply to another question.  However, it was understood that their positions remained “far apart”, and they were encouraged to continue their negotiations to come up with a formula that both sides could live with.

To questions concerning the situation in the Middle East, he said the region was more complicated than before as the problems in each and every country were intertwined.  It was important for the Council to support the international Quartet, which would, hopefully, redouble its efforts.

Regarding Western Sahara, he said the solution must come from the two parties directly concerned –- the Government of Morocco and the Frente Polisario (Frente Popular para la Liberación de Saguia el-Hamra y de Río de Oro).  Council members wished to hear first-hand from Special Envoy Peter van Walsum and to know the Secretary-General’s intentions.  Negotiations had just concluded on Long Island, New York, earlier today, and it was understood that another meeting had already been planned.

Asked if the Council was open to the Frente Polisario position or favoured that of Morocco, he said it supported the efforts of the Secretary-General, adding in reply to a follow-up question that the episode of the two reports was unfortunate.  As for the negotiations, they were a beginning that all sides must handle with great care.

To a question about Somalia, he said that country’s Prime Minister had given a firm assurance to Council members last week that there would be no further delay in convening the reconciliation conference scheduled for mid-July.  The positions of Council members differed on whether the United Nations should send forces.  There had been repeated requests from the Somali Government, and during the Council mission’s visit to Africa, a strong desire for a force had been expressed by the African Union, which had urged the Council to take urgent action to try to help.

On Security Council reform, he said his country’s position on expanding the Council was positive, adding that it had never said 15 members were enough.  China favoured more members from the South and from among developing countries to ensure that the Council’s composition was more representative.  As for the possible modalities, China always sought broad agreement by all United Nations members, but was not sure a “semi-permanent” category would have broad support.

The Council was an important mechanism within the United Nations system, but the General Assembly was also important, he stressed.  In practice, however, the tendency was for the Council, in one way or another, to erode the Assembly’s authority.  China had, therefore, alerted its colleagues in the Council to do whatever was in its purview to respect the Assembly’s authority because it did, after all, represent all 192 Members States.  Council members, particularly the permanent membership, must be aware of that tendency because both institutions were important and their roles were complementary.

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For information media • not an official record