ASSEMBLY PRESIDENT STRESSES REFORM, FINANCING FOR DEVELOPMENT, GENDER EQUALITY, MENACE OF SMALL ARMS AND AIDS AS CORE UN CONCERNS

Press Release
GA/SM/149

ASSEMBLY PRESIDENT STRESSES REFORM, FINANCING FOR DEVELOPMENT, GENDER EQUALITY, MENACE OF SMALL ARMS AND AIDS AS CORE UN CONCERNS

Following is the text of a lecture delivered yesterday by Theo-Ben Gurirab, President of the General Assembly, at the New England Center for International and Regional Studies, University of Bridgeport, Connecticut:

Overview

My Presidency of the fifty-fourth Session of the United Nations General Assembly, which commenced on 14 September 1999, has many antecedents and exigencies –- good, bad, ugly and, indeed, instructive.

When I was a young boy growing up in the late forties and fifties, back home in my small railway town and adjacent villages, I heard from the local gurus about the United Nations. They were fond of it and talked in glowing terms about its mission and activities.

I understood them as saying that the United Nations loved black people and would help us: that is, to join us to fight against apartheid, racial discrimination and for liberation and independence, and that the world around us also belonged to the blacks, because we, too, were God’s children. I must confess that I took the United Nations to have been a nation and not an organization, until much later.

In 1963, I won a United Nations fellowship and came to the United States as a student. I spent most of my student years in Philadelphia and absorbed American culture and the way of life there. The rest of my stay there is a long and meandering story in many respects. In 1972, I became the United Nations representative of Namibia’s national liberation movement, SWAPO, until 1986.

Then, I was redeployed by SWAPO in Luanda, Angola, in 1986 and would frequent the United Nations from there, as its Secretary for Foreign Affairs. My association with the Organization still continues and I come to the United Nations at least once a year, often more than that. In 1990, I became the independent Namibia’s Foreign Minister and I am still at it into my tenth year, which makes me the Dean of all of Africa’s Foreign Ministers.

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In other words, I am a full-fledged United Nations man who has paid a price, in time, energy and experience, to be the President of the General Assembly today. I am where the United Nations is and I am, in this new millennium, leading the United Nations, along with my brother and colleague, Kofi Annan, where it’s going: Towards a better, brighter and humane future for humanity.

This is my first public speech, away from the United Nations, at the University of Bridgeport, at the start of the new millennium. Thanks to the kind invitation extended to me by one of my worthy predecessors, Dr. Stoyan Ganev, President of the forty-seventh Session of the General Assembly. I am grateful and appreciate this interaction with you all.

Exposition

Humanity, as I expected, survived, actually defeated, the Y2K bug. I am, however, afraid that in the critical and challenging fields of nuclear disarmament, human relations, disparities between the haves and the have-nots, organized crime, transfer of technology, financing for development, gender equality, children’s rights and protection, the record of the United Nations Member States, industry and academia alike stinks to the high heavens. The global community is integrating and fragmenting at the same time and the United Nations efforts towards peace and development are constantly being frustrated.

Secretary-General’s 1999 Report

Each year, the United Nations Secretary-General presents an annual report to the General Assembly, giving his view on the state of the world and proffering proposals and recommendations for what is to be done by the United Nations principal organs, as well as its specialized agencies, to serve humanity and save the world.

The report occasions a general debate, in which heads of State and government give their reflections or, as they sometimes do, speak on it a bit and proceed to deal with other world issues of greater significance as they see them.

Last year, the Secretary-General produced a comprehensive and thought-provoking and, in some respects, challenging report. I would like to exemplify one issue, among others, which engendered a very robust and passionate debate, on a somewhat divisive issue. This issue, “humanitarian intervention”, some delegations felt, put the concepts of State “sovereignty” and “human rights” on equal footing. There is the rub.

By this, the Secretary-General, perhaps unwittingly, invited the wrath of many delegations, although he tried to allay their fears that he had in mind an escaping scenario, whereby such intervention would only be a last resort. That is, preceded by quiet diplomacy and other initiatives, such as dialogue and mediation. Even so, many delegations remained unsettled. The reactions were frontal, prompt and strong.

The apprehensions of most delegations were partly inspired by the then recent United States-led North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO)- armed intervention and aerial bombings in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (i.e., Kosovo), smacking of new hegemonism, gunboat diplomacy and might-makes-right approach to international relations. Doubts and suspicions abounded.

I, myself, said that the idea of “humanitarian intervention” was not only alarming, but it was actually threatening the very existence of the sovereignty of States, as well as undermining the sacred principles and purposes of the Charter of the United Nations. I concluded by asserting that it did not constitute my idea of “a new world order”. Until the jury is back, I still hold that view.

At the end, the President of the General Assembly was requested to see to it that the debate on this steamy issue was not entirely lost under the mounting heap of emotions and acrimony, and to find a way for continuing the discussions in an appropriate forum, not on the basis of a zero-sum game, but with a win-win outcome in mind. To this end and for a start, I organized one session of the General Assembly, and the matter remains on the front burner for further debate.

President’s Heart and Soul Issues

Prior to assuming the General Assembly Presidency, I had served for a day or two as President of the United Nations Security Council, during the Namibian Presidency of the Council in August 1999. Especially, I chaired one meeting devoted to the haunting plight of the world’s children, particularly those trapped worldwide in situations of armed conflicts, specifically the phenomenon of child soldiers.

I have made this issue the theme of my Presidency and I have made use of every possible opportunity or platform to speak up on the shame, neglect and inhumanity that this most reprehensible situation imposes on the world leaders and the United Nations Member States.

Millenium Agenda at 2000

In anticipation of 2000, governments, peoples and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) of the world had pitched the first year of the new millennium as a benchmark for endless international events and activities.

For example, the General Assembly will meet in two review special sessions in June. The one in New York will be a follow-up to the 1995 United Nations Summit in Beijing on Women and Development –- Beijing Plus Five. The other one, in Geneva, is a follow-up to the United Nations 1995 Summit on Social Development. High-level participation is expected. There may be, yet another Special Session on HIV/AIDS this year.

Additionally, the President and his respective associates are tasked with the responsibility of piloting the work of a number of open- ended working groups on:

-- Reforming and Enlarging the Security Council -- Millennium Summit and Millennium Assembly -- African Conflict Management and Resource Mobilization

And other engagements dealing with: Financing for Development (2001) and Review of Ocean Affairs and the Law of the Sea.

This is a short list only of major events. The usual nitty-gritty matters relating to political, administrative and technical issues before the General Assembly will continue, as usual, as agenda items of the Plenary or the Main Committees.

Nexus for Principal United Nations Organs

I have joined others, past and present, to insist on the imperative need for more closer cooperation, coordination and joint action, as a matter of established practice, among the General Assembly, Security Council, the Economic and Social Council and the Office of the Secretary-General: a united front and teamwork for verifiable results, cost effectiveness and efficiency.

This is absolutely vital at a time when rapidly changing international circumstances require one vision, one voice and joint action of the whole of the United Nations family -– through the key principal organs. This approach will, moreover, counteract confrontation, exclusion and unilateralism, which are slowly but surely rearing their ugly heads on the world scene and exacerbating the much needed dialogue between the industrialized and developing countries. We have already made a good beginning.

Focus on Africa

Africa constitutes the largest bloc of United Nations Member States. Its awakening is on the horizon and the catalysts are the people of Africa themselves. Problems and uncertainties are many. But the will and determination of the people to change things around them for the better cannot be doubted anymore.

The people were the decisive factor behind decolonization, liberation and independence. They were the sea in which the freedom fighters swam to wrench freedom from the oppressor. Now they are in the forefront for social change and economic development.

Africa’s time has come. We are talking about a new beginning, which we are expressing in a form of “African Renaissance”. My own Presidency is seen as an encouraging pointer, which serves in turning our young people around to see and emulate it as a worthy role model.

The fact that the incumbent United Nations Secretary-General is also an African makes it a powerful double-header. While both of us are top United Nations officers serving all the United Nations Member States, this doesn’t diminish the expectations of Africans, young and old.

The real challenge we face is to help transform their dreams into real and funded programmes that will improve the real conditions of life for the people. Both of us are ever so conscious of their yearnings for poverty reduction, job and wealth creation, and greater participation in decision-making and governance.

It is only by that kind of empowerment and practical knowledge in a modern society that our people can benefit from the fruits of globalization, industrialization and resource allocation.

African leaders are strengthening their subregional economic, trade and security blocs as building tools towards the realization of the lofty goals of the African Economic Community. They are: the Southern African Development Community (SADC), the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) and others. Likewise, they are enlarging the capacity of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) conflict resolution mechanism to mitigate political and military crises before the United Nations is called in. These days, the Secretaries-General of the United Nations and the OAU are regularly consulting and cooperating on matters of common interest. I encourage them to maintain this constructive interaction.

CONSENSUS BUILDING

There are concerns at the United Nations that are common to rich nations and poor nations, to donors and recipients alike. They include questions relating to peace, security and disarmament; globalization, development and poverty reduction; gender equality, child protection and youth training for leadership; environmental protection, water scarcity and desertification; human rights; democracy; and term limits for public officials; United Nations budget and financing for development; and United Nations reforms.

We are all focusing on and discussing these common concerns towards building a sufficient consensus for action and achieving results. It’s not easy, but what’s the alternative?

This, of course, begs the question, namely that all the United Nations Member States should honour their legally binding obligations to pay their dues to the Organization on time, in full and without conditions. Without resources, the United Nations cannot perform and the ever-rising expectations of the people cannot be met satisfactorily.

I thought that I should mention here, as well, Senator Jesse Helms’ haranguing and bullying that the United Nations Security Council and the United Nations, generally, were subjected to, during “The Month of Africa” in New York. It was a painful, if hilarious, experience for us.

But, I believe, Senator Jesse Helms too, encountered more than a lasting refutation of his ultraconservative and outdated views, not only from the delegations, but also and strongly, from his Senate colleagues and President Clinton’s spokespersons. Senator Joe Biden was extremely sharp and eloquent in his rebuttal. Senator Helms might not have been amused, but his views on the relationship between the United States and the United Nations were roundly exposed as fallacies and rejected.

Core Policy Issues

Today, at the United Nations, the ongoing discussions and trade- offs are concentrated on the following areas of policy that I have delineated:

First one is the reform, restructuring and democratization of the United Nations system, including the international financial institutions, such as the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and others. The World Trade Organization’s (WTO) last fiasco in Seattle, Washington, and the recent loud protest that met the world leaders at Davos, Switzerland, spoke volumes of the persistent demand for reshaping and democratizing the international economic and trade regimes. Some practices that certain industrialized countries continue to insist upon will not only take away the comparative advantages of many third world countries, but will also infringe upon their sovereign prerogatives.

Second, financing for development, in line with the human-centred proposals and recommendations of the major United Nations summits, starting with the 1992 Rio Summit on environment and development through those on human rights, population, women and development, habitat and ending with the Rome Food Summit in 1996. Out of all this, poverty eradication is the ultimate goal.

Third, gender equality, which also links up with children’s rights and protection, as well as the restoration of healthy and productive family life.

Fourth, the proliferation and spiralling menace of small arms in the third world where armed conflicts, civil wars and ethnic cleansing are rampant. The call is to put an end to this nasty business.

Fifth, the external debt owed by many developing countries to the industrialized countries. Total debt cancellation is the only answer. This is a call, which is getting louder and louder by the day. Debt cancellation will represent an extraordinary act of generosity, which would give those countries a second chance, while they are carrying out serious steps aimed at economic, political and constitutional reforms that are already showing results.

Sixth, and last, HIV/AIDS. This is, today, the single most devastating crisis facing the modern society and its inhabitants. The most affected regions of the world are the very ones where the poorest of the poor live, with sub-Saharan Africa topping the list. Without funds, and big and open hearts of the pharmaceutical manufacturers, this borderless crisis will reach far and wide, and consume all and sundry in its way.

I am yesteryear’s freedom fighter who is today’s statesman. During those dark days, in the struggle for freedom, and amidst many daunting tasks, I kept hope alive and held on to a vision for the future built upon optimism and sustained by an indomitable human spirit as my shield and spear. Black Death and hunger killed millions of human beings in Europe and elsewhere in the past. But humanity has survived and continues to discover, invent and prosper all the time. The United Nations mission and capacity must be further strengthened to better serve the cause of human solidarity, peaceful co-existence and the prospering all nations, countries and peoples.

It is, therefore, a high duty and inescapable obligation for everybody that we vigilantly guard against the United Nations being aggrandized and transformed into a hot bed of hegemonic ambitions or a bridgehead of cultural imperialism. The United Nations belongs to all of us equally and must be helped to resist the emergence of a new class struggle, arising out of a nightmarish tale of two worlds, one eternally rich and one depressingly poor, and moving at a fast speed in opposite directions. That is a sure road to disaster and suicide, and we must have the courage to stop it.

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