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GA/DIS/3123

TEN DISARMAMENT DRAFT RESOLUTIONS INTRODUCED IN FIRST COMMITTEE

29 October 1998


Press Release
GA/DIS/3123


TEN DISARMAMENT DRAFT RESOLUTIONS INTRODUCED IN FIRST COMMITTEE

19981029 Global Nuclear Weapons Reductions, Nuclear Weapons Convention, Central Asia Nuclear-Free-Zone among Issues Addressed

The General Assembly would call upon States to redouble their efforts to prevent the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, among them nuclear weapons, and not to export equipment, materials or technology that could contribute to the development of those weapons, according to one of 10 draft resolutions introduced this afternoon in the First Committee (Disarmament and International Security).

By further terms of the text, introduced by the representative of Japan, the Assembly would call for the determined pursuit by the nuclear-weapon States of systematic and progressive efforts to reduce nuclear weapons globally.

A draft resolution, introduced by the representative of India, would have the Assembly reiterate its request to the Conference on Disarmament to commence negotiations on an international convention prohibiting the use of nuclear weapons under any circumstances. It would further request the Conference to report to the General Assembly on the results of those negotiations.

Under the terms of another nuclear-related draft, introduced by the representative of Malaysia, the Assembly would underline once again the unanimous conclusion of the International Court of Justice that there existed an obligation to pursue in good faith and bring to a conclusion negotiations leading to nuclear disarmament in all its aspects under strict and effective international control.

The representative of Kyrgyzstan introduced a draft resolution on the establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in Central Asia, by which the Assembly would call upon all countries to support the initiative for such a zone, and would encourage the five Central Asian States to continue with dialogue with the five nuclear-weapon States in that regard.

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By the terms of a related text, introduced by the representative of Mongolia, the Assembly would invite interested States to cooperate with Mongolia in consolidating and strengthening its independence, sovereignty, economic security and nuclear-weapon-free status.

The Assembly would call on all States parties to the Convention on the Prohibition of the Development, Production and Stockpiling of Bacteriological (Biological) and Toxin Weapons and on Their Destruction (Biological Weapons Convention) to accelerate negotiations within the ad hoc group of States parties and redouble their efforts to complete the protocol to strengthen the Convention on the basis of consensus at the earliest possible date, under a text introduced by the representative of Hungary.

By the terms of a draft introduced by the representative of The former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, the Assembly would call upon all States, the relevant international organizations and competent organs of the United Nations to undertake measures to help prevent conflicts which could cause the violent disintegration of States, and for those States to solve their disputes by peaceful means.

The representative of Pakistan introduced one of two regional disarmament drafts, by which the Assembly would call upon States to conclude agreements for nuclear non-proliferation, disarmament and confidence-building measures at the regional and subregional levels.

By the terms of the second regional disarmament draft, introduced by the representative of Nepal, the Assembly would reaffirm it strong support for the continued operation and strengthening of the United Nations Regional Centre for Peace and Disarmament in Asia and the Pacific, and underscore the importance of the "Kathmandu process" as a powerful vehicle for the development of regional security and disarmament dialogue.

By the terms of a draft resolution concerning the United Nations Disarmament Commission, introduced by the representative of Belarus, the Assembly would recommend the following items for consideration at its 1999 substantive session: the establishment of nuclear-weapon-free zones; guidelines on conventional arms control/limitation and disarmament; and a possible third item.

Statements were also made by the representatives of Croatia, United States, New Zealand, France, Sweden and South Africa.

The Committee will meet again at 10 a.m. Friday, 30 October, to continue its thematic discussion and introduction of drafts.

Committee Work Programme

The First Committee (Disarmament and International Security) met this afternoon to continue its thematic discussion and consideration of all disarmament and security-related draft resolutions.

The Committee is expected to hear the introduction of draft resolutions concerning: the Disarmament Commission; establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in Central Asia; United Nations Regional Centre for Peace and Disarmament in Asia and the Pacific; Convention on the Prohibition of the Development, Production and Stockpiling of Bacteriological (Biological) and Toxin Weapons and on Their Destruction (Biological Weapons Convention); nuclear-weapon-free status of Mongolia; a nuclear weapons convention; nuclear disarmament and the ultimate elimination of nuclear weapons; prevention of the violent disintegration of States; and the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice on the legality of the use or threat of use of nuclear weapons.

By the terms of a draft resolution on the Disarmament Commission (document A/C.1/53/L.1), the General Assembly would recommend the adoption of the following items for consideration at the Commission's 1999 substantive session: the establishment of nuclear-weapon-free zones; guidelines on conventional arms control/limitation and disarmament; and a possible third item. The Assembly would also encourage the Commission, bearing in mind the decision to move its agenda towards a two-item phased approach, to give focused consideration to a limited number of priority issues.

The Assembly would also request it to make every effort to achieve specific recommendations on those items and meet for a period not exceeding three weeks during 1999. It would reaffirm the role of the Commission as the specialized, deliberative body within the United Nations multilateral machinery that allowed for in-depth deliberations on specific disarmament issues, leading to the submission of concrete recommendations on those issues.

The draft resolution is sponsored by Algeria, Belarus, Croatia, Ecuador, Egypt, Indonesia, Iran, Ireland, Luxembourg, Peru, South Africa, Spain, Syria and Uganda.

By the terms of the draft resolution on the establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in Central Asia (document A/C.1/53/L.2), the General Assembly would call upon all countries to support the initiative for such a zone. In that context, the Assembly would encourage the five Central Asian States to continue their dialogue with the five nuclear-weapon States. The Assembly would ask the Secretary-General to provide assistance to the Central Asian States in preparing the agreement for such a zone.

The draft resolution is sponsored by Australia, Brazil, El Salvador, Italy, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Mongolia, New Zealand, Philippines, Tajikistan, Thailand, Turkey, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan.

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According to the terms of a text on the United Nations Regional Centre for Peace and Disarmament in Asia and the Pacific (document A/C.1/53/L.5), the Assembly would reaffirm it strong support for the continued operation and strengthening of the Centre, and underscore the importance of the "Kathmandu process" as a powerful vehicle for the development of regional security and disarmament dialogue. It would appeal to Member States, in particular those within the Asia-Pacific region, to contribute to the strengthening of the Centre.

The draft resolution is sponsored by Australia, Indonesia, Japan, Kyrgyzstan, Malaysia, Mongolia, Myanmar, Nepal, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Thailand and Viet Nam.

Under a draft resolution on the status of the Convention on the Prohibition of the Development, Production and Stockpiling of Bacteriological (Biological) and Toxin Weapons and on Their Destruction (Biological Weapons Convention) (document A/C.1/53/L.6/Rev.1), the Assembly would welcome progress on negotiating a protocol to strengthen the Convention. In that connection, it would call on all States Parties to accelerate negotiations within the ad hoc group of States parties and redouble their efforts to complete the protocol on the basis of consensus at the earliest possible date.

Also, the Assembly would call upon all signatory States that had not yet ratified the Convention to do so without delay. It would also call upon those States that had not signed the Convention to do so at an early date, thus contributing to the achievement of universal adherence.

The draft resolution is sponsored by Argentina, Armenia, Australia, Austria, Bangladesh, Belgium, Brazil, Bulgaria, Canada, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Croatia, Cuba, Czech Republic, Denmark, Ecuador, Estonia, Fiji, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Iceland, Iran, Ireland, Italy, Japan, Kenya, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Monaco, Netherlands, New Zealand, Niger, Nigeria, Norway, Peru, Poland, Portugal, Republic of Korea, Republic of Moldova, Romania, Russian Federation, Singapore, Slovakia, Slovenia, South Africa, Spain, Sweden, The former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Turkey, Uganda, Ukraine, United Kingdom and the United States.

By the terms of a draft resolution sponsored by Mongolia and the Philippines on the nuclear-weapon-free status of Mongolia (document A/C.1/53/L.10/Rev.1), the Assembly would invite States concerned to cooperate with Mongolia in consolidating and strengthening its independence, sovereignty, economic security and nuclear-weapon-free status. The Assembly would appeal to the Member States of the Asia-Pacific region to support Mongolia's efforts to join the relevant regional security and economic arrangements. In that context, it would request the Secretary-General and relevant United Nations bodies to provide the necessary assistance to Mongolia, within existing resources, to take those necessary measures. It

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would also ask him to report on the implementation of the resolution at its fifty-fifth session.

A draft resolution on a nuclear weapons convention (document A/C.1/53/L.14) would have the Assembly reiterate its request to the Conference on Disarmament to commence negotiations on an international convention prohibiting the use of nuclear weapons under any circumstances. It would further request the Conference to report to the General assembly on the results of those negotiations.

The draft resolution is sponsored by Bangladesh, Bhutan, Botswana, Brunei Darussalam, Colombia, Costa Rica, Cuba, Democratic People's Republic of Korea, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Egypt, India, Indonesia, Iran, Kenya, Lao People's Democratic Republic, Libya, Malaysia, Mexico, Myanmar, Nepal, Nigeria, Sudan and Viet Nam.

Under a draft resolution sponsored by Japan on nuclear disarmament and the ultimate elimination of nuclear weapons (document A/C.1/53/L.42), the Assembly would call upon all States to redouble their efforts to prevent the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, including nuclear weapons, confirming and strengthening their policies not to export equipment, materials or technology that could contribute to those weapons. The Assembly would also call for the determined pursuit by the nuclear-weapon States of systematic and progressive efforts to reduce nuclear weapons globally, with the ultimate goal of eliminating those weapons, and by all States of general and complete disarmament under strict and effective international control.

The Assembly would reaffirm the importance of achieving universality of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) and for all States parties to fulfil their obligations under the Treaty. It would call upon all States parties to the Treaty to make their best efforts for the success of the next Review Conference to be held in the year 2000.

The Assembly would recognize the importance and necessity of pursuing such actions as the early signature and ratification of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT) by all States, and the cessation of nuclear tests pending its entry into force, as well as the early conclusion of negotiations in the Conference on Disarmament on a treaty banning the production of fissile material for nuclear weapons or other nuclear explosive devices and the commencement of multilateral discussion on possible steps that should follow such a convention.

It would also recognize the importance and necessity of pursuing the early entry into force of the Treaty on the Reduction and Limitation of Strategic Offensive Arms (START II) and the early commencement and conclusion of negotiations for START III by the Russian Federation and the United States,

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and further efforts by the five nuclear-weapon States to reduce their nuclear arsenals unilaterally and to commence negotiations for the reduction of nuclear weapons.

According to a text on the prevention of the violent disintegration of States (document A/C.1/53/L.44), the Assembly would call upon all States, the relevant international organizations and competent organs of the United Nations to continue to undertake measures, in accordance with the United Nations Charter, to help prevent conflicts which could cause the violent disintegration of States. It would also call upon all States to solve their disputes with other States by peaceful means.

The Assembly would stress the importance of good neighbourliness and the development of friendly relations among States in preventing the violent disintegration of States, as well as the importance of regional efforts aimed at preventing bilateral conflicts from endangering international peace and security.

It would affirm the need for strict compliance with the principle of the inviolability of international borders and the principle of the territorial integrity of any State. It would also request all States and relevant international organizations to communicate to the Secretary-General their views on the prevention of the violent disintegration of States. The Assembly would decide to include that item in its fifty-fifth session.

The draft resolution is sponsored by Andorra, Austria, Azerbaijan, Belgium, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Georgia, Germany, Greece, Ireland, Italy, Luxembourg, Netherlands, Norway, Portugal, Republic of Moldova, Russian Federation, Spain, The former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Turkey, Ukraine and the United Kingdom.

A draft resolution on the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice (document A/C.1/53/L.45) would have the Assembly underline, once again, the unanimous conclusion of the Court that there existed an obligation to pursue in good faith and bring to a conclusion, negotiations leading to nuclear disarmament, in all its aspects, under strict and effective international control.

The Assembly would call once again upon all States to immediately fulfil that obligation by commencing multilateral negotiations in 1999 leading to an early conclusion of a nuclear weapons convention prohibiting the development, production, testing, deployment, stockpiling, transfer, threat or use of nuclear weapons and providing for their elimination.

It would request all States to inform the Secretary-General of the efforts and measures undertaken to implement the present resolution and nuclear disarmament, and would request the Secretary-General to apprise the Assembly at its fifty-fourth session.

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The draft resolution is sponsored by Algeria, Bangladesh, Brazil, Brunei Darussalam, Burundi, Colombia, Costa Rica, Ecuador, Egypt, El Salvador, Fiji, Ghana, Guyana, Honduras, Indonesia, Iran, Iraq, Jamaica, Kenya, Lao People's Democratic Republic, Lesotho, Malawi, Malaysia, Mexico, Mongolia, Myanmar, Namibia, Niger, Nigeria, Panama, Papua New Guinea, Paraguay, Peru, Philippines, Samoa, San Marino, Sierra Leone, Singapore, Solomon Islands, Sri Lanka, Sudan, Suriname, Thailand, United Arab Emirates, Uruguay, Viet Nam and Zimbabwe.

Introduction of draft texts

HASMY AGAM (Malaysia), introduced the draft resolution entitled follow-up to the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice on the legality of the threat or use of nuclear weapons (document A/C.1/53/L.45). He said it was clear from the current debates of the Committee that many Member States were still seriously concerned regarding the lack of genuine efforts and extremely slow pace of nuclear disarmament.

He said recent developments had increased those concerns and further complicated the situation. It was imperative, therefore, that the international community intensified nuclear disarmament efforts with a view to the complete elimination of nuclear weapons. The text he was introducing was one such effort based on, and largely an update of, last year's resolution on the same subject, which the General Assembly adopted by a large majority.

The text, he added, also reiterated the Assembly's call last year for all States to fulfil that obligation by commencing multilateral negotiations in 1999, towards an early conclusion of a nuclear weapons convention. Some delegations had criticized the draft and, in that context, it was important to point out that while the text sought the commencement of immediate negotiations on a nuclear weapons convention, it did not exclude negotiations on other aspects of nuclear disarmament. It, in fact, encouraged that.

With regard to the argument of some delegates that multilateral negotiations would undermine the successful pursuit of the bilateral track, he stressed that bilateral negotiations only addressed the issue of the reduction of the numbers of nuclear weapons as opposed to their total elimination. He could not suggest that the bilateral forum was not important, but it must be complemented by the multilateral track. "After all, nuclear disarmament is a matter of concern to all of humanity, not just the nuclear-weapon States", he said.

SAVITRI KUNADI (India) introduced the draft resolution on a nuclear weapons convention (document A/C.1/53/L.14), saying that its emphasis on commencing negotiations on a legally binding instrument on the use of nuclear weapons had been supported by many in the Non-Aligned Movement. Moreover, the draft had received widespread support over the years, but there had been no

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progress on its implementation due to the reluctance on the part of certain States to allow such multilateral negotiations on the proposed convention.

She said that the promise held out by the end of the cold war of substantial steps in that regard had been belied. The international situation continued to be characterized by a nuclearized global order, where nuclear weapons were viewed by some as the "currency of power". Some believed they could possess those weapons in perpetuity. As a result, and taking into account the possible first-use of those weapons by nuclear-weapon-States, the international community must take decisive steps to globally remove the legitimacy from those weapons and eventually eliminate them.

The historic advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice had applied international humanitarian law to the use of nuclear weapons, she said. Thus, there already existed in humanitarian law, a general prohibition on the use of weapons of mass destruction. However, further steps must be taken to build upon that opinion and to underwrite existing provisions of international humanitarian law. In that way, any ambiguity that might be employed to justify the use of nuclear weapons would be removed.

ZAMIRA ESHMAMBETOVA (Kyrgyzstan) introduced the draft resolution entitled the establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in Central Asia (document A/C.1/53/L.2). She said the trend towards the establishment of nuclear-weapon-free zones in recent years was evidence of the growing significance of regional movements in the nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament process. The four zones that existed so far had made an important contribution in that regard, representing a significant step towards the ultimate goal of general and complete disarmament.

She said Central Asian countries were currently preparing the legal groundwork for the proposed zone in the region. The draft she was introducing was based on last year's resolution on the issue and reflected recent developments, including the informal consultations organized by the Department of Disarmament Affairs in New York and Geneva, as well as the consultative meeting of experts of Central Asian countries and the nuclear-weapon States. Her delegation called on all Member States to support the draft. She announced the following additional co-sponsors: Australia, Brazil, El Salvador, Italy, Mongolia, New Zealand, Philippines, Thailand, and Turkey.

NARENDRA BIKRAM SHAH (Nepal) introduced the draft on the United Nations Regional Centre for Peace and Disarmament in Asia and the Pacific (document A/C.1/53/L.5). He said his Government welcomed the Secretary-General's assessment that the mandate of the Centre, located in Kathmandu, was still valid and that the Centre could play an important role in fostering a climate of cooperation and disarmament in the region.

He said the draft reiterated its appeal to Member States, in particular those within the Asia-Pacific region, and to government and non-governmental

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organizations, to make voluntary contributions that would strengthen the activities of the Centre. The co-sponsors hoped that the draft would be adopted by consensus, as that would be a powerful demonstration of the usefulness of the Centre as a forum for disarmament, peace and security in the Asia-Pacific region.

JARGALSAIKHANY ENKHSAIKHAN (Mongolia) introduced the draft resolution on that State's nuclear-weapon-free status (document A/C.1/53/L.10) which he said was the product of long and serious negotiations that had enjoyed widespread support. The current formula for the establishment of nuclear-weapon-free zones did not seem to be fully applicable when it came to single States, especially a State situated between two nuclear-weapon States. However, that had not discouraged Mongolia or its negotiating partners.

The nuclear-weapon-free status of Mongolia would be strengthened and made more durable if its overall security was internationally guaranteed. That understanding was the basic concept of the draft. Given such an understanding, it would be possible to soon arrive at a special arrangement that could accommodate the particular interests of Mongolia, as well as the legitimate interests of its neighbours.

AKIRA HAYASHI (Japan) introduced the draft text entitled nuclear disarmament with a view to the ultimate elimination of nuclear weapons (document A/C.1/53/L.42). He noted that his country first submitted a draft resolution under that title in 1994 to underline the commitment of the international community to the elimination of nuclear weapons. Since then, successive resolutions had been adopted with the support of the overwhelming majority of United Nations Member States.

His Government would, however, like to propose that the time had come for the international community to move a step forward, he said. This year had witnessed both positive and negative developments in the field of nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament and, in the future, might be remembered as a critical year for that reason. The international community should not succumb to inertia, but must press ahead with nuclear disarmament.

He said his Government was aware of the divergent views that existed on how to reach the goal of eliminating nuclear weapons and emphasized the need for a common ground that would enable the negotiation process to forge ahead. The text he was introducing was, in fact, conceived to bridge that gap. His country hoped that the large majority of Member States would support the draft.

NASTE CALOVSKI (The former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia) announced that, on behalf of his country, he had this morning signed the Comprehensive-Nuclear-Test Ban Treaty (CTBT).

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He then introduced the draft resolution on the prevention of the violent disintegration of States (document A/C.1/53/L.44), and read out a revised seventh preambular paragraph, as follows:

"Convinced of the necessity to enhance the overall conflict prevention and resolution capability of the United Nations system,".

He said that the draft was the second resolution to address the subject, which was first addressed by the Committee two years ago and the subsequent resolution was adopted by the Assembly on 10 December 1996. It addressed one of the most important aspects of maintaining international security, namely the prevention of the violent disintegration of States. The text expressed deep concern that situations that could threaten international peace and security had persisted, despite United Nations efforts. In that context, it sought United Nations assistance in preventing such situations, through an enhanced capacity to prevent the outbreak of conflicts.

The vast majority of conflicts, at present, were internal and further affirmed the need for United Nations measures, he said. The outbreak of new conflicts must be prevented and ongoing ones must be resolved in order to greatly improve and maintain international peace and security. The draft's goal was for measures to be undertaken at all levels, aimed at eliminating threats to international peace and security and enhancing international cooperation in that endeavour.

TIBOR TOTH (Hungary) introduced the draft resolution on the status of the Biological Weapons Convention (document A/C.1/53/L.6/Rev.1). He expressed the hope that it would, once again, enjoy consensus. He read out the revised version of the text, which added two new preambular paragraphs, as follows:

"Recalling the Final Document of the Twelfth Conference of Heads of State or Government of the Non-Aligned Countries held at Durban, South Africa from 29 August to 3 September 1998, in which the heads of State or Government noted the progress achieved so far negotiating a Protocol, stressed the importance of achieving further substantive progress for the conclusion of a universally acceptable and legally binding instrument designed to strengthen the Convention and reaffirmed the decision of the Fourth Review Conference urging the conclusion of the negotiations by the Ad Hoc Group as soon as possible before the commencement of the Fifth Review Conference,

"Welcoming the reaffirmation made by the Final Declaration of the Fourth Review Conference that under all circumstances, the use of bacteriological (biological) and toxin weapons and their development, production and stockpiling are effectively prohibited under Article I of the Convention,".

ANA MARIJA BESKER (Croatia), addressed the conventional weapons cluster of issues that included the landmine problem and said her country was one of the world's "most mine plagued States". Thus, the problem commanded primary

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importance for her Government because it adversely affected efforts towards post-conflict reconstruction, economic development, social reintegration and reconciliation.

The Croatian Government, with the help of the United Nations, had made some progress in its mine clearance efforts. However, the job was daunting. She recalled that Croatia had more than 1 million mines spread over 6,000 square kilometres, which could take up to 15 years to be cleared. Thus, the progress already made was a mere "drop in the ocean of pressing needs". Those needs could only be addressed adequately by the international community, in terms of technological and financial assistance, especially given that Croatia was suffering from the effects of a devastating war.

She said her country's mine clearance predicament had inspired its active support of the Convention on the Prohibition of the Use, Stockpiling, Production and Transfer of Anti-Personnel Mines and on Their Destruction (Ottawa Convention). Croatia was among the first 40 countries to ratify that Convention and hoped that the process would eventually lead to a total ban on landmines. Her Government hoped for the successful implementation of that Convention and believed that it would require the long-term mobilization of many more resources than had, thus far, been made available.

The implementation of the Ottawa convention would be a particularly difficult challenge for mine affected countries, she said. She hoped that special consideration would be given to those affected. The role of the United Nations in increasing international mine-related activities and cooperation would be vital.

ROBERT T. GREY (United States) said he wished to comment on Tuesday's discussion on the draft resolution entitled "Towards a nuclear free world: the need for a new agenda" (document A/C.1/53/L.48). While the draft resolution was one of the longest, its supporters had referred almost entirely to the first operative paragraph. Clearly, the heart of the text was the call to nuclear-weapon States to "demonstrate an unequivocal commitment to the speedy and total elimination of their respective nuclear weapons".

He said he would have thought it unnecessary to reiterate the commitment of the United States to nuclear disarmament, which it had undertaken when it adhered to the NPT. Some of the most important steps it had undertaken in that regard were described in the resolution on bilateral nuclear arms negotiations and nuclear disarmament (document A/C.1/53/L.49). Since the height of the cold war, the United States had almost completely eliminated its non-strategic nuclear weapons, from 15 systems in 1971 to two systems today. It had eliminated more than 10,000 nuclear warheads, along with more than 1,700 missile launchers and bombers.

Continuing, he said his country had not conducted a nuclear-weapon-test explosion since 1992. It had ceased the production of fissile material for

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nuclear weapons many years ago and removed more than 200 metric tons of fissile material from its military stockpile. Following completion of the next step in strategic arms control, as agreed by the United States and Russia, it would have made reductions of 80 per cent in deployed weapons from cold war peaks. "If that did not demonstrate a commitment to nuclear disarmament -- in deeds, not words -- I don't know what does", he said.

If the commitments already undertaken by the United States were sufficient, the world would gain nothing from their repetition, as the text would suggest, he said. Alternatively, if the sponsors of the resolution did not consider those commitments trustworthy, why should his country think it would find another one more reliable? The sponsors had stressed the first operative paragraph of the text, but his country took seriously the entire resolution and would urge the Committee members to do the same. The United States could support some of the ideas it expressed, but found it fundamentally flawed in practice.

He said his country rejected the "alarmist tone" expressed in the first several preambular paragraphs. The fact that progress could be difficult and slow did not alarm, but rather provoked a determination to work harder. What was alarming, paradoxically not addressed explicitly in the text, was the nuclear testing by India and Pakistan.

He said the United States had a long history of successfully controlling nuclear weapons and it, therefore, could not accept the assertion that their mere existence led to their use. There had been no instances in which those weapons had been used for more than 50 years. The draft resolution twice called for the "seamless integration" of five-power negotiations into the current bilateral process. Were the co-sponsors sure that a five-power process would be most effective or might parallel processes be the answer? he asked. His delegation did not have those answers right now, pending further progress, and suspected that no one else did either.

In one of the text's few concrete proposals, it called on the nuclear-weapon States to "de-alert" those weapons, he went on. His country had carefully considered that issue and had agreed with Russia on pre-launch notification of strategic launch vehicles and space launchers. It believed, however, that the "wholesale adoption" of de-alerting measures led to instability. Because such measures were unverifiable, a situation could arise in which the potential that one country might quickly return to alert status could start a dangerous rush by all to do so, leading to greater instability. The United States had, instead, targeted its efforts at improving command and control systems, as a more valuable approach than wholesale de-alerting.

The call for the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) to explore verification of a nuclear-free world was premature, he said. Verification was a national responsibility, which his country would certainly not abdicate when dealing with the total elimination of nuclear weapons. Other States would not

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likely accept that idea, either. Furthermore, the calls for the Conference on Disarmament to create an ad hoc committee on nuclear disarmament and for the convening of a nuclear disarmament conference substituted more talk for concrete action.

He said his country had consistently described the problems with that proposal, especially the negative effect it would have on "real nuclear disarmament and reduction talks" with the Russian Federation. It had already fully engaged in nuclear disarmament discussions in multilateral forums, such as in the Committee, the Disarmament Commission and the Conference on Disarmament, itself. Finally, the affirmation that a nuclear-free world would require a universal and multilaterally negotiated legally binding instrument was "wholly premature". It was important to concentrate first on practical measures.

Although frustrated by the pace of progress on nuclear disarmament, he said he did not see the need to replace the existing agenda with a new one. Everyone knew the actions that had to be taken to move farther along that path, including the continuation of the destruction of strategic offensive weapons, as provided for under START I, the entry into force of the CTBT and the universalization of the NPT. That was an ambitious agenda, but not an "unrealizable" one and, if achieved, it would imply that decisive steps had been taken in the direction proposed by the eight authors of the text.

MUNIR AKRAM (Pakistan) introduced the draft resolution on regional disarmament (document A/C.1/53/L.34).

By its terms, the Assembly would call upon States to conclude agreements, wherever possible, for nuclear non-proliferation, disarmament and confidence-building measures at the regional and subregional levels. It would stress that sustained efforts were needed, within the framework of the Conference on Disarmament and under the umbrella of the United Nations, to make progress on the entire range of disarmament issues, and affirm that global and regional approaches to disarmament complemented each other and should, therefore, be pursued simultaneously to promote regional and international peace and security.

The Assembly would support and encourage efforts aimed at promoting confidence-building measures at the regional and subregional levels in order to ease regional tensions and to further disarmament and nuclear non- proliferation measures at those levels. It would decide to include an item on regional disarmament in the fifty-fourth Assembly session.

The draft resolution is sponsored by Armenia, Bangladesh, Belgium, Bolivia, Colombia, Egypt, Indonesia, Mali, Nepal, Niger, Pakistan, Sierra Leone, Sri Lanka, Sudan, Tunisia and Turkey.

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He said that in the post-cold-war period, conflicts had proliferated throughout the world. Bipolar confrontation had broken down and, as a result, many States, especially smaller ones, had a greater sense of insecurity. That was reflected in the increased acquisition, development and production of arms, mostly conventional. The asymmetry of defence had heightened the danger of aggression. Conventional imbalances in regions of tension could lead to the search for non-conventional means of deterrence. In that context, regional approaches to disarmament, especially in South Asia, were self- evident.

He said that the draft reflected international support for regional and subregional measures aimed at confidence-building, non-proliferation and disarmament. Moreover, such measures were essential complements to global efforts. The international community now fully accepted their complementary aspects, as well as the need to pursue both global and regional disarmament simultaneously.

Concerning the draft resolution on nuclear disarmament with a view to the total elimination of nuclear weapons, just introduced by the representative of Japan, he said that its title belied its actual content. The text related mostly to nuclear non-proliferation and not to nuclear disarmament. No provision in the text stated that the nuclear disarmament process would lead to the total elimination of those weapons. Rather, the title of the draft should be, "the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons and the indefinite retention of nuclear weapons by certain nuclear-weapon States", because that would be the effect of the draft, if implemented.

He said his delegation had informally provided Japan with a list of amendments to that text. The first sought to delete the reference to Security Council resolution 1172 (1998). That resolution concerned a matter related to Pakistan's vital national security concerns, yet it had been adopted without fully consulting his country and in a most undemocratic manner. He would, therefore, oppose any draft that contained a reference to that resolution. He would urge Japan not to become a party to that discriminatory process, if they wished to retain wide support for their draft.

There should also be some expression of concern regarding the indefinite retention of nuclear weapons by some nuclear-weapon-States, he went on. In that regard, the text should contain a call upon those States to undertake a step by step reduction of the nuclear threat and a phased programme of nuclear disarmament, with a view to the total elimination of those weapons. That was more crucial than emphasizing the universality of the NPT. A reference to the early commencement of multilateral negotiations should also be inserted. He would table those draft amendments and seek a vote at the appropriate time.

ALEG LAPTSENAK (Belarus) introduced the draft resolution on the Report of the Disarmament Commission (document A/C.1/53/L.1). He said the draft resulted from open-ended informal consultations among Members of the

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Disarmament Commission and was similar to previous resolutions on the subject. After summarizing the contents of the text, he said he hoped that the draft would again be adopted by consensus as in previous years.

CLIVE PEARSON (New Zealand) said he had listened carefully to the comments made by the representative of Pakistan, whose reference that the draft resolution on a new agenda for disarmament (A/C.1/53/L.48) had several omissions was particularly interesting. Some of those "omissions" had been addressed in other drafts. The text in question was comprehensive. Indeed, some delegations had criticized it for being too long -- which suggested that its co-sponsors might have gotten it right in terms of scope and substance.

The claims that the draft undermined the NPT were puzzling and led him to wonder whether everyone was talking about the same draft resolution. Indeed, the text was a clear and unambiguous endorsement of the NPT and equally clear on its endorsement of the importance it attached to enhancing the NPT review process. It also explicitly called for non-parties to that Treaty to sign and ratify it, and it contained five other references, as well. Clearly, it did not in any way undermine the NPT, but rather specifically underpinned and endorsed it.

Another claim was that the text did not address the recent nuclear testing, he went on. The co-sponsors had been told that it should condemn those tests by delegations that only a few weeks ago in Vienna had felt obliged to abstain from a resolution deploring nuclear testing. The current draft was not confrontational, nor was it intended to be comfortable. The issues it contained were not comforting to anyone. It also did not attempt to comfort some at the expense of others. Further, it did not intend to undermine the hugely important START process.

He said it was equally difficult to accept the argument that the time was right to look ahead at the next steps in nuclear disarmament. The people represented by the delegations in the room expect the Committee to lead in pursuing nuclear disarmament. The calls in the draft were not novel -- they were imperative -- and like it or not, they would not go away. It was "a stand up and be counted resolution".

JOELLE BOURGOIS (France), commenting on the draft resolution on the prevention of a nuclear arms race in outer space, introduced by Egypt at a previous meeting, said the great diversity in the way in which Member States approached the subject made dialogue a bit more difficult than it needed to be. Her Government attached special importance to that issue and had presented specific proposals on how it should be dealt with at the first special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament.

She noted the renewed interest of some delegations in the subject, adding that recent developments meant that the international community must redouble its efforts to prevent any aggressive militarization of outer space.

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North Korea's actions had demonstrated the relevance of multilateral notification of rocket and missile launches, which France had previously proposed. It seemed strange that the international community was not adequately informed about such a crucial issue. It required a serious and collective consideration by the international community.

LARS BJARME (Sweden), speaking in support of the draft on a new agenda for disarmament, introduced by the representative of Ireland on 27 October, said he regretted that the nuclear disarmament process had made little or no progress over the years. The START process was practically stagnating and, through their nuclear tests, India and Pakistan had gravely threatened the international non-proliferation regime. At the multilateral level, the Conference on Disarmament, after two years of inaction, had only recently been able to start negotiations on a fissile material cut-off treaty and there was no certainty that the negotiations would have a speedy start in 1999.

Continuing with what he described as a cheerless assessment, he said efforts to further strengthen the NPT had run into considerable difficulties at this year's meeting of the Preparatory Committee for the year 2000 review conference. In the view of his country, a new and forceful political impetus was now desperately needed to reinvigorate the nuclear disarmament process. That accounted for the some 30 countries that co-sponsored the draft resolution on a new agenda, with Sweden among them.

That draft outlined a clear and concrete approach that would make it possible for the nuclear disarmament process to march forward, he added. That approach was based on the parallel pursuit of a series of concrete and mutually reinforcing measures to be taken by both the nuclear-weapon States and the non-nuclear-weapon States. The draft was never intended to undermine or deviate from the objectives and principles of the NPT. A strong and broad backing of the draft would reinject a new sense of urgency into the efforts of the international community towards a nuclear-weapon-free world.

PETER GOOSEN (South Africa) said it was regrettable that after today's initial debate, the United States representative had been unable to remain behind to participate. Indeed, he had raised issues which had been successfully addressed when the draft resolution on a new agenda was first introduced. However, an important new issue had been raised by the United States, which needed to be answered.

He said that, in making the statement that the United States would have thought it unnecessary to demonstrate its commitment to nuclear disarmament, the representative had indicated no substantive difficulty with operative paragraph 1 of the draft, which he had correctly identified as the "heart" of the resolution. Similarly, his comment that if the commitments made by the United States were sufficient, the world would gain nothing from their repetition, also seemed to imply that he had no difficulty with operative paragraph 1. It was also welcome that the United States did not see the

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language of the text as an attempt to remove the importance of its obligations under article VI of the NPT.

Continuing, he said to the comment that the introductory operative paragraphs were alarmist, all one needed to do was walk past the United Nations exhibit reflecting the effects of the use of nuclear weapons in Nagasaki and Hiroshima to realize it was not possible to perceive the text's language as alarmist. The text had made no mention of the recent nuclear tests because it was not about nuclear testing, on which there was another draft resolution. Rather, the draft dealt with the consequences of nuclear weapons and attempted to set a new agenda. It very forcefully took up the responsibility by those States that were responsible for the nuclear tests, in operative paragraphs 7, 8 and 10.

The call for nuclear-weapon States to de-alert their nuclear weapons was not intended to create instability, but to slow down the reaction time that could lead to a nuclear weapons exchange, he said. The process of de-alerting was intended to create stability through delay, so that in the time it took to decide to start a nuclear war, there would be a delay in launching those weapons, during which time sense and good reason might prevail. The United States representative had said that its Government had always considered verification to be a national responsibility. Yet, at the heart of chemical and biological weapons negotiations and the whole safeguards system of the IAEA was the establishment of verification mechanisms, which had never been envisaged as a purely national responsibility.

Concerning the objection by the United States to the call for an ad hoc committee in the Conference on Disarmament to deal with nuclear disarmament, he said it was one of numerous proposals made along those lines across a wide range of political groups. The proposal contained in the text sought to commence deliberation in the Conference and identify the steps needed to lead to that point. That desire had much broader support than the small group of countries that had submitted the draft.

He said the United States representative had also expressed concern that elaborating a universal and legally binding instrument for a nuclear-weapon- free world was wholly premature. Yet, at some point in time, there was going to have to be an instrument or instruments that legally committed States not to aspire to nuclear weapons, to which no time-frame was affixed. As long as the threat of nuclear proliferation and "nuclear breakout" remained -- without any verification system or legal framework to prevent it -- nuclear disarmament could never be achieved.

The United States representative also feared that the draft could detract from the NPT review process, he noted. The text in no way tried to undermine that process and recalled the important decision made at the 1995 NPT Review and Extension Conference. It was deeply disappointing that the United States was unable to acknowledge the draft resolution for what it truly was -- a genuine, reasonable and moderate attempt to seek the middle ground towards the elimination of nuclear weapons.

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For information media. Not an official record.