GLOBAL NUCLEAR DISARMAMENT MUST REMAIN AT TOP OF UNITED NATIONS AGENDA, SECRETARY-GENERAL TELLS DISARMAMENT COMMITTEE

12 October 1998

Press Release
GA/DIS/3107

GLOBAL NUCLEAR DISARMAMENT MUST REMAIN AT TOP OF UNITED NATIONS AGENDA, SECRETARY-GENERAL TELLS DISARMAMENT COMMITTEE

19981012 Committee Begins General Debate, with Speakers Highlighting Weaknesses in Nuclear Non-Proliferation Regime

Given the potential devastation from the use of even one nuclear weapon, global nuclear disarmament must remain at the top of the United Nations agenda, Secretary-General Kofi Annan told the First Committee (Disarmament and International Security) this morning, as it began its general debate.

It would be the height of folly to take for granted that such weapons were too terrible ever to be used and that States would keep them for deterrent purposes alone, he said. As long as some States had developed such weapons and as long as States stocked such weapons, there was always a risk that they might resort to using them.

Speakers echoed the Secretary-General's concern. "Like it or not", seven countries had declared their nuclear-weapon status, the Malaysian representative said. There was at least one other non-declared nuclear-weapon State and perhaps a few others. Without a clear perception that the nuclear- weapon States were serious in their intention to achieve nuclear disarmament, the world would "willy nilly slide down the path of nuclear proliferation".

The representative of Mexico said that not only had those weapons continued to exist, but new doctrines of deterrence had emerged. The nuclear Powers that had formerly rejected such doctrines now subscribed to them. Still more serious, disturbing cracks had appeared in the international non-proliferation regime, highlighted by the nuclear tests in South Asia, and the once promising strategic arms reduction process now appeared to have come to a standstill.

The representative of South Africa recalled that his country had "stepped away from the nuclear weapons abyss". Thus, the nuclear tests conducted in South Asia and their potential impact on nuclear disarmament were of considerable concern. South Africa, along with a number of others, would

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submit a proposal for an achievable nuclear disarmament agenda. It sought to identify the "middle ground" and avoid the "trap of inaction" created by the two poles that had long dominated the nuclear disarmament debate.

Statements were also made by the representatives of Austria, on behalf of the European Union, Fiji, Bangladesh, Colombia and Myanmar. The Chairman of the Committee also spoke.

The Committee will meet again at 10 a.m. Tuesday, 13 October, to continue its general debate on disarmament and security issues.

Committee Work Programme

The First Committee (Disarmament and International Security) met this morning to begin its general debate on a wide range of disarmament initiatives in the context of the United Nations role in the disarmament process. The issues to be debated include nuclear non-proliferation, curtailing the traffic in small arms and the elimination of chemical and biological weapons.

The Committee is also expected to consider security assurances to non-nuclear-weapon States, prohibition of fissile material for weapons purposes and the prevention of the violent disintegration of States. Two approaches to the landmine issue will also be debated -- partial and complete ban -- as well as the entire spectrum of conventional arms control and limitation.

Secretary-General Kofi Annan is expected to address the Committee at the opening meeting of its general debate. (For additional background, see Press Release GA/DIS/3106 of 9 October).

Statement by Chairman

ANDRE MERNIER (Belgium), Chairman of the First Committee, said that peace was not a random fact of history, but the result of the conscious and tenacious efforts of people acting in good will. Disarmament was a difficult undertaking that could only be implemented in stages on a sometimes narrow path. There was no room for weakness and nothing should hamper the dynamics of the process or undermine the confidence of its participants.

A number of significant agreements and broad consensus on objectives were the foundation of the disarmament process, he said. Some might view progress in the field of weapons of mass destruction as the least promising. Indeed, during the past year the world had witnessed several regrettable events, including a stall in the Treaty on the Reduction and Limitation of Strategic Offensive Arms (START) process and the advent of nuclear tests in South Asia. The lack of respect by certain countries over security assurances to non-nuclear-weapon States was another area of concern. The difficulties in establishing a total ban on nuclear tests and on the prohibition of the production of fissile material for weapons purposes could also justify a certain gloom.

It would be ludicrous to deny the magnitude of the challenge facing the Committee, he said. However, the progress that had been made aimed at universalizing the important disarmament treaties should also be recalled. While further progress aimed at dismantling nuclear arsenals was needed, the process was moving in the right direction. The Conference on Disarmament, for example, had established two ad hoc committees to negotiate a prohibition on

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the production of fissile material for weapons and a legally binding instrument of security assurances for non-nuclear-weapon States.

He said that significant progress had also been made on the regional level, particularly with regard to the establishment and consolidation of nuclear-weapon-free zones. The indiscriminate use and proliferation of light weapons and small arms, however, had created a new challenge to the United Nations. The establishment within the Department of Disarmament Affairs of a mechanism to coordinate action on small arms was playing a critical role. In the same spirit, a group of Member States had mobilized to combat the illicit traffic and excessive accumulation of small arms. The impending entry into force of the Convention on the Prohibition of the Use, Stockpiling, Production and Transfer of Anti-Personnel Mines and on Their Destruction was another major effort.

For 14 years, the First Committee had been entrusted with the disarmament agenda, he said. Indeed, its activities had supplemented efforts made elsewhere, in particular, within the Conference on Disarmament and the Disarmament Commission. Excessive slowness and unjustified procrastination in that process was unacceptable. The collective effort of the Committee should be consistent, as well as fruitful, and it should meet the expectations of the international community.

Statement by Secretary-General

Secretary-General KOFI ANNAN said the fact that the Committee was designated "First" Committee of the General Assembly reflected the priority the United Nations placed on disarmament in its earliest days. That emphasis, he believed, was correct. He was pleased with the Assembly's support of his decision to re-establish the Department of Disarmament Affairs, under the leadership of Under-Secretary-General Jayantha Dhanapala. In a sense, he was representing the Under-Secretary-General in the Committee today, while the Under-Secretary-General represented the Secretary-General at a conference on the theme of sustainable disarmament for sustainable development. It was good that the connection between the central themes of the United Nations agenda -- disarmament and development -- was increasingly being recognized and understood.

Disarmament was at the heart of the United Nations efforts to maintain and strengthen international peace and security, he continued. It was sometimes said that weapons did not kill, people did, and it was true that in recent years some horrific acts of violence had been committed without recourse to sophisticated weapons. The Rwandan genocide was an example that haunted the international community and the horrific pictures of recent massacres in Kosovo were perhaps freshest in mind. Small arms were being used to inflict death or injury on thousands upon thousands of civilians every

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year, the overwhelming majority of those children and women. Therefore, disarmament had to concern itself with small weapons, as well as large.

He was, therefore, pleased that the international community was now coming to realize the importance of including small arms on the disarmament agenda. He commended, in particular, the moratorium that the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) had placed on the trade and manufacture of small arms. Also commendable was the recent entry into force of the Inter-American Convention Against the Illicit Manufacturing of, and Trafficking in, Firearms, Ammunition, Explosives and Other Related Materials.

He thanked the actor, Michael Douglas -- a redoubtable handler of small arms on screen -- for his work as a Messenger of Peace, alerting public opinion to the terrible damage done by small arms in real life. It was possible to mobilize global civil society on the small arms issue, as was so successfully done with respect to landmines. The world must be thankful that so many Member States had signed and ratified the Ottawa Convention for a global ban of landmines, expected to enter into force next March. The United Nations must now work hard to make that ban universal.

The necessity to contain the problem posed by small arms should not divert attention from international efforts to contain the proliferation of larger weapons, especially weapons of mass destruction, he continued. It would be the height of folly to take for granted that such weapons were too terrible ever to be used and that States would keep them for deterrent purposes alone. Nuclear weapons were used in 1945 on Hiroshima and Nagasaki, which were still suffering the effects more than half a century later. At the same time, chemical weapons had been extensively used, notably in Iran and against civilians in northern Iraq in 1988. There too, the people of Halabja were still suffering the effects 10 years later, in the form of deformed births, aborted pregnancies and debilitating diseases.

As for the menace of biological weapons, he said it was almost too horrible to imagine. Yet, some States had developed such weapons and as long as States stocked such weapons, there was always a risk that they might resort to using them. Also, those weapons could fall into the hands of terrorists. For that reason, the international community must intensify efforts to expand the membership of the Chemical and Biological Weapons Conventions and to make their observance more verifiable. That was why the international community must be concerned about the nuclear tests carried out by India and Pakistan, even while he welcomed their declarations in the Assembly to adhere to the CTBT.

The United Nations had worked very hard for over half a century to eliminate nuclear weapons everywhere, he continued. Given the potential devastation from the use of even one nuclear weapon, global nuclear disarmament must remain at the top of the United Nations agenda and he looked

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to the First Committee to take the lead in ridding the world of the menace of nuclear, chemical and biological weapons.

Disarmament and development were intimately connected in two ways, he said. First, disarmament was essential for effective conflict prevention or post-conflict peace-building in many parts of the developing world and conflict was the worst enemy of development everywhere. Second, an arms race, even when it did not lead directly to conflict, constituted a cruel diversion of skills and resources from development. So many human needs remained unsatisfied, yet millions of people depended for their livelihood on making, distributing or maintaining engines designed to destroy -- engines of which the best one could hope was that they would never be used.

"This was a terrible waste", he said, in conclusion. "The world looks to the United Nations, and the United Nations looks to this Committee, to lead it in a different and more hopeful direction."

Statements

ANTONIO DE ICAZA (Mexico) said that while the international scene now was profoundly different from what it was 20 years ago, the Declaration of Principles, the Programme of Action and the disarmament mechanisms approved by consensus in the final document of the 1978 tenth special session of the General Assembly still retained their full validity.

He said that the end of the cold war and the banning of chemical and bacteriological weapons had brought an end to the justification of the possession, stockpiling and technological improvement of nuclear weapons and even of their possible use. Nevertheless, not only did those weapons continue to exist, but new justifications in the form of new doctrines of deterrence had emerged. The nuclear Powers that had formerly rejected such doctrines now subscribed to them. Still more serious, disturbing cracks had appeared in the international non-proliferation regime and the once promising strategic arms reduction process now appeared to have come to a standstill.

The probability of the use of nuclear weapons was greater now than it was in 1978, he said. The priority of the international community, therefore, must be nuclear disarmament. As such, negotiations for security assurances for non-nuclear-weapon States was needed as soon as possible, as was the complete elimination of nuclear weapons and of their delivery systems. The paralysis in the nuclear disarmament process was apparent. Nearly six years after being signed, START II had not entered into force. The Conference on Disarmament had been unable to establish an ad hoc committee through which to negotiate nuclear disarmament and the preparatory committee for the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) had not succeeded in formulating substantive nuclear disarmament recommendations.

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Some of those problems were the result of temporary situations, but underlying them were the "archaic perceptions" of the role of nuclear weapons and military strategy, he said. Such thinking was in urgent need of change and, indeed, there had been no change in the commitment towards a nuclear- weapon-free world. Nuclear weapons conferred neither special rights nor special privileges. The non-proliferation regime needed to be strengthened, as it was essential to international peace and security. International security had been seriously affected by the failure of the NPT preparatory committee and, in particular, by the nuclear tests in South Asia.

The NPT, which was the cornerstone of the non-proliferation regime, was valid only until nuclear disarmament was achieved, he said. Any interruptions or deadlocks in the nuclear disarmament process called into question the non-proliferation regime. For its part, his Government deplored and condemned the recent nuclear tests in South Asia. A definitive halt to nuclear testing was essential to world peace and security. At the current Assembly session, his Government would submit draft resolutions deploring all nuclear tests and calling for the early ratification of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT), as well as for the maintenance of the moratoriums and respect for the spirit and the letter of the Treaty, pending its entry into force.

The constant threat of nuclear weapons, the paralysis in multilateral forums and the pressures exerted on the NPT regime had convinced many countries of the need for a new international agenda aimed at evolving a nuclear-weapon-free world, he said. The ministers for foreign affairs of several countries had issued a joint declaration to that effect in June, and they would be submitting a draft resolution in that regard. The time had come to abandon divisive nuclear disarmament positions. Today, nuclear-weapon-free zones covered more than 50 per cent of the earth's surface. Political links among existing zones should be expanded, in order to free the entire southern hemisphere of those weapons.

THOMAS HAJNOCZI (Austria), speaking on behalf of the Central and Eastern European countries associated with the European Union (Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, Slovakia and Slovenia), as well as Iceland, said that although the world had made important achievements in the area of international security, it still faced serious challenges at the end of the twentieth century. Among the achievements were the Ottawa Convention, the prospect of starting negotiations on a fissile material cut-off treaty, work on the verification system of the CTBT and continuing efforts to strengthen the NPT regime.

Regrettably, the world was still saddled by the risk of the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and by the destabilizing problems posed by the accumulation of conventional weapons, he continued. The European Union called on the international community to intensify the fight against those threats. The Union condemned the nuclear tests by India and Pakistan.

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Both countries should sign and ratify the CTBT swiftly and unconditionally, and should also adhere to the NPT regime, as it stood. Further, both countries should introduce a moratorium on fissile material production, while a treaty was being negotiated, and legislate stringent controls on the export of nuclear-related materials and other sensitive technology.

With regard to security developments in Europe, he said the Union encouraged close cooperation between the United Nations and other international organizations concerned with European security. One of the main objectives of the Union, within the framework of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), was to develop a new charter on European security. The Union actively supported the OSCE and its role in conflict prevention, the peaceful settlement of disputes and the promotion of democracy.

In addition, the Union was convinced that the current enlargement of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and its open-door policy would not create new divisions in Europe, but would help consolidate peace and stability. The Union was engaged in open dialogue with the other countries on the continent, including Russia and Ukraine, and with countries of the Mediterranean regarding the new security architecture.

Among other things, the OSCE played an important role in implementing the general framework for peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina, he noted. Consolidating the peace in the former Yugoslavia and solving the Kosovo crisis continued to be one of the Union's top priorities. The Union remained committed to implementing an arms embargo on the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and to the objectives agreed at the Bonn Peace Implementation Council. The Union supported reconstruction efforts in Bosnia and Herzegovina and if the new leadership lived up to its obligations under the Dayton Agreement, the Union would continue to cooperate with it.

The Union welcomed the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) adoption in May 1997 of a model and additional protocol to its existing safeguards agreements meant to improve its efficiency. On 8 June, the Union had concluded three additional protocols covering the 13 non-nuclear-weapon States of the Union, the United Kingdom and France. It called on all other States having safeguards agreements with the IAEA to conclude additional protocols based on that model. The Union also remained deeply concerned by the Democratic People's Republic of Korea's continuing non-compliance with its safeguards agreement and strongly urged it to rectify that as soon as possible. In Iraq, the Union was committed to the full implementation of all relevant Security Council resolutions and urged Iraq to comply with them.

The Union had been active in promoting the early entry into force of the CTBT and would continue to do so, he continued. It called on all States to sign and ratify the Treaty, especially the 44 decisive ones that must do so

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before it could enter into force. Now that the CTBT had been concluded, it was time for action on the issue of a ban on the production of fissile materials for nuclear weapons and related devices. The Union urged all States to maintain a moratorium on the production of those materials, pending the conclusion of the negotiations for a verifiable treaty.

The Union continued to believe that there was need for nuclear-weapon States to intensify the global reduction of nuclear weapons, he continued. It urged the Russian Federation to ratify START II without delay, so as to enable its rapid entry into force and progress with START III. The Union also supported the creation of nuclear-weapon-free zones, especially in the Middle East and in South and Central Asia.

He said the Union considered the Chemical Weapons Convention to be a landmark in the disarmament process and urged all States that had not yet acceded to the Convention to do so without delay. It reiterated its readiness to assist the Russian Federation in fields related to the Convention. The Union also placed a high priority on the reinforcement of the Biological Weapons Convention, especially regarding a verification regime. To improve the effectiveness of such conventions, an effective export-control mechanism was needed.

He said the Union was currently engaged in combating the illicit traffic in conventional arms and in assisting other countries in tackling the problem. The international community faced a serious challenge with the proliferation of small arms. The Union called on all States to make every effort to enable the Disarmament Commission to make progress on the problem during its 1999 session.

With regard to the landmine issue, he said that all Union member States should take appropriate steps to comply with the objectives of the Ottawa Convention. Between 1993 and 1997, the Union contributed $140 million to demining activities and assistance to the victims. In 1998, it had plans to increase its efforts by earmarking $60 million to the same cause. That made the Union the world's major donor in the area. The Union would continue to work actively to promote the efforts of the international community towards the complete elimination of anti-personnel landmines.

POSECI W. BUNE (Fiji) said that over the past year, calls for prompt and effective disarmament had not been matched by deeds. Despite the NPT and the CTBT, underground nuclear tests were carried out earlier this year by India and Pakistan. Furthermore, given the sophisticated computer technology, it was not known how many simulated tests had been carried out by other nuclear- weapon States. In order to reduce and ultimately eliminate all weapons of mass destruction, more effective measures must be created. The universality of existing instruments must also be pursued with speed and political will.

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In the area of nuclear weapons, the international community must cooperate and collaborate simultaneously on the reduction and elimination of those weapons, he said. His Government called on all nuclear-weapon States, as a first step, to immediately halt the production and testing -- in whatever form -- of nuclear weapons. Those States should destroy all stockpiles of nuclear weapons and all States should sign and ratify the NPT and the CTBT, particularly India and Pakistan. Failure to ensure the effective implementation of such legal instruments would fuel the view that the members of the international community were simply "a roost of procrastinators".

The START process was an important part of the matrix of reduction and elimination, he said. As such, it should be energized and widened to include other nuclear-weapon States. The creation of nuclear-weapon-free zones around the world had greatly assisted progress towards a nuclear-weapon-free world. All countries in such zones should become parties to the regional initiative. Where such zones did not exist, he urged their creation. The NPT and the CTBT were only steps towards the total elimination of nuclear weapons. The world community must now negotiate and conclude a "treaty for the establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free world" within a specified time frame.

A ban on the production of fissile material for weapons purposes should also be urgently addressed, he said. Every effort should be made to establish a "fissile material inventory" within the Conference on Disarmament and to commence negotiations, as soon as possible, on a fissile material cut-off treaty. He also called for the full implementation of the Chemical Weapons Convention and continued to call on all States to become parties to the Biological Weapons Convention, and for the early conclusion of its verification protocol.

As a signatory of the Ottawa Convention, his Government called on those States that had not yet signed to join the vast majority of Member States in doing so, he said. Meanwhile, the world community must collaborate in the removal and elimination of the millions of landmines worldwide. It should also advance the care, rehabilitation and the social and economic reintegration of landmine victims, while acting collectively and unambiguously to end the use, production and stockpiling of that weapon.

He said that the current human tragedies occurring in several nations were the result of conventional weapons. Those weapons had created havoc in several countries in Africa and eastern Europe. Indeed, the proliferation in the production, sale and transfer of those weapons had led to incidents of genocide and ethnic cleansing. High priority should, therefore, be given to the elaboration of strategies aimed at preventing the proliferation of the supply of conventional weapons, particularly at limiting their flow to conflict areas.

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In that regard, he supported the work of the Panel of Governmental Experts on Small Arms and hoped its report would receive the attention it deserved in the Conference on Disarmament and in the Disarmament Commission. Moreover, Fiji urged all Member States to participate in the United Nations Register of Conventional Arms, as it was an effective instrument of transparency. Current efforts aimed at easing tensions by building confidence at the regional and subregional levels also had his country's support. In addition, a permanent mechanism or a division of preventive diplomacy within the United Nations should be established to respond promptly and decisively to threats of potential conflicts and genocide.

PETER GOOSEN (South Africa) said his country had last year characterized 1997 as a year in which the international community was unable to grasp the opportunities that were available in the disarmament sphere. It had hoped that 1998 would be more productive. Yet, despite the positive work being done in the context of various disarmament agreements, 1998 had been a year of "disturbing developments", especially in the area of nuclear disarmament and nuclear non-proliferation.

The nuclear tests conducted in South Asia and their potential impact on nuclear disarmament were of considerable concern, he said. While South Africa had expressed its concern through a number of venues, it would continue to call on India and Pakistan to exercise maximum restraint and to continue their dialogue to promote mutual confidence. South Africa, itself, had "stepped away from the nuclear weapons abyss" and, as a State party to the NPT, it was firmly committed to nuclear non-proliferation and to the total elimination of those weapons.

He expressed concern that despite the fact that South Africa and many other participants in negotiations had made clear that their nuclear disarmament proposals would not undermine or threaten the negotiations between the Russian Federation and the United States, they had refused to consider those proposals. The world community recognized that present and future negotiations among the nuclear-weapon States were of paramount importance to the reduction and eventual elimination of nuclear weapons. It sought focused deliberations on the practical steps for systematic and progressive efforts in that regard. The 1998 preparatory committee meeting for the year 2000 NPT review hopefully would recoup lost ground and successfully conclude its work.

He said that South Africa, together with its partners to the 9 June joint ministerial declaration, would present a draft resolution for consideration by the Committee that was intended to put forward an achievable nuclear disarmament agenda. It would identify the middle ground and avoid the "trap of inaction" created by the two poles that had for too long dominated the nuclear disarmament debate. The time had come to look at a new approach. The proposal sought to form the basis for a common approach that embraced

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existing unilateral and bilateral processes, as well as complementary steps at the multilateral level.

The decision by the Conference on Disarmament to establish an ad hoc committee to negotiate a fissile material cut-off treaty was welcome, he said. The commencement and early conclusion of such a treaty had long been an objective of his Government. That should be the next major multilateral negotiation, following the conclusion of the CTBT. It was an integral part of the nuclear disarmament principles and objectives of the NPT. By achieving control of fissile material, the world community would be in a position to prevent the further production of nuclear weapons and lay the groundwork for their eventual elimination.

The Chemical Weapons Convention served as an example of what could be achieved in the disarmament sphere, he said. Its verification mechanism had resulted in a number of successful inspections among Member States. Similarly, the intensification of the work by the States parties to supply the Biological Weapons Convention with a verification protocol was welcome. The conclusion of its work, however, depended on the continued commitment and substantive and flexible participation of all States parties.

He said that the devastation wrought by the proliferation of light weapons and small arms on socio-economic development, specifically in the reconstruction of post-conflict societies, could no longer be ignored. The demobilization of ex-combatants, disarmament programmes and other initiatives in conflict areas were constrained by the existence of large amounts of those weapons, which were poorly regulated and indiscriminately used. In order to address the issue, the necessary human and financial resources must be marshalled, data must be shared, action must be coordinated and the profile of the issue must be raised.

ANWARUL KARIM CHOWDHURY (Bangladesh) said the present international political climate had elements that could favour disarmament. A broad consensus was emerging and the opportunity it presented must be seized. The indefinite expansion of the NPT, the conclusion of the CTBT, the entry into force of the Chemical Weapons Convention and the imminent entry into force of the Ottawa Convention were all landmark achievements. The agreement to begin negotiations on a cut-off treaty for fissile material was also a step forward. His Government urged all nuclear-weapon States and all nuclear-capable States to pursue in good faith negotiations leading to the ultimate elimination of nuclear weapons.

His Government's commitment to the goal of general and complete disarmament was unequivocal, he said. The NPT, which called for the elimination of nuclear weapons, was initiated in 1968. Yet, today, the international community remained unable to agree on the time-bound elimination of nuclear weapons. Substantive negotiations on total and comprehensive

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nuclear disarmament should commence immediately in the Conference on Disarmament. Also, a conference in the near future on all aspects of the illicit arms trade would be an important step. In that respect, the joint initiative of Canada and Norway to hold an informal session in the United Nations on the dangers posed by small arms was commendable.

He called for an early convening of the fourth special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament. Also, it was time for the international community to review the implementation of the final documents of the three special sessions of the Assembly devoted to disarmament and take stock of the international security and disarmament situation in the post-cold war era. While nuclear disarmament should remain the highest priority, all other emerging challenges facing the world should be addressed. Only a special session of the Assembly could address disarmament issues with the thoroughness they deserved.

Strengthening United Nations competence in the field of disarmament would require effective coordination among the First Committee, the Conference on Disarmament and the Disarmament Commission, he said. The non-governmental organizations concerned with the subject could also play a significant role in promoting global disarmament. The efforts of civil society could be put to much better use through effective coordination with the United Nations. He was pleased with the re-establishment of the Department of Disarmament Affairs and wanted it to play a very active role in disarmament. That could be done, in part, by activating the regional centres for peace and disarmament. The Centre in Asia and the Pacific, for example, should move to the region and not operate from Headquarters.

HASMY AGAM (Malaysia) said that the situation on the disarmament front had been rather dismal. Except for an important breakthrough in the area of conventional disarmament -- namely, the signing of the Ottawa Convention -- no discernible progress in the area of nuclear disarmament had been achieved. Indeed, the nuclear-weapon States had maintained that nuclear disarmament should best be left to themselves to negotiate. Yet, to date, no real progress had been made in that regard. The START process had remained in limbo. In the meantime, the process overall had suffered a further setback following the series of nuclear tests carried out in South Asia.

Those tests were a matter of serious and global concern, because they carried with them the dangerous prospect of nuclear proliferation, he said. The tests should serve as a wake-up call to the international community that the proliferation of all weapons should be immediately stopped. Those two countries, in particular, should cease all activities pertaining to vertical proliferation, a loophole that they had negotiated for themselves within the context of the CTBT. Those countries could not convince nuclear-weapon States to eliminate their nuclear arsenals, while they themselves continued to keep weapons in large numbers and continued to improve their destructive powers.

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"Like it or not", he said, seven countries had declared their nuclear- weapon status. There was at least one other non-declared nuclear-weapon State and perhaps a few others. It was, therefore, imperative for the tests in South Asia to be seen not only in terms of a regional dynamic, but in terms of nuclear disarmament, which should be addressed globally. Nuclear-weapon States must respond appropriately by demonstrating their strong and continued commitment to the goals of nuclear disarmament, as embodied in the NPT, by embarking on serious negotiations aimed at reducing their nuclear arsenals and eventually eliminating them altogether.

Without a clear perception, especially by States aspiring for nuclear capability, that the nuclear-weapon States were serious in their intention to achieve nuclear disarmament, the world would "willy nilly slide down the path of nuclear proliferation", he continued. He drew attention to his country's submission of a resolution in each of the past two years concerning the opinion of the International Court of Justice on the legality of the use or threat of use of nuclear weapons. His country would again initiate such a draft and it would continue to call for the commencement of negotiations for a convention on nuclear disarmament.

He said that immediate negotiations on such a convention were not being urged at the current stage, however, since the road to the total elimination of those weapons was a long and arduous one that was best travelled through a series of well-defined stages, accompanied by proper verification and control mechanisms. His Government's approach, therefore, was not incompatible with the step-by-step incremental approaches already proposed by others, including by members of the Non-Aligned Movement.

He was particularly concerned by the inherent danger of thermonuclear war triggered by accident or through terrorism. That prospect should further compel the international community to work towards the rapid reduction and early elimination of nuclear weapons. Meanwhile, efforts should be made to avoid or eliminate such risks. In that regard, he welcomed the recent 8-nation initiative to remove all nuclear forces from alert status. That such a posture was taken by the United Kingdom with regard to its submarine-based nuclear forces was particularly welcome.

ALFONSO VALDIVIESO (Colombia) said that, unfortunately, some of the ideas that had fuelled the East-West confrontation had survived the changes that had taken place in the international system. Nuclear weapons continued to pose a threat to the peace and survival of humankind. For that reason, the paralysis of the nuclear disarmament process was a cause for international concern. His Government vehemently opposed nuclear testing. Those that had been carried out this year once again demonstrated the danger posed by nuclear weapons and heightened the urgent need to eliminate them.

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He said the international community must continue to work for the complete elimination of nuclear weapons, within a specified time frame. He was pleased with the agreement of the Conference on Disarmament to establish an ad hoc committee to negotiate a convention on the prohibition of the production of fissile materials for nuclear weapons and related devices. Also, he reiterated the priority and importance his Government placed on the provision by nuclear-weapon States, of negative security assurances of a universal, unconditional and binding character to all non-nuclear-weapon States.

The NPT continued to be a key element for non-proliferation and disarmament, he continued. The nuclear-weapon States parties to the Treaty must fulfil their commitments in good faith. Further, he noted the many proposals for nuclear-weapon-free zones and said that his country supported the proposal to rid the southern hemisphere of nuclear weapons, as well as the proposals for Central Asia and the Middle East.

His country had been advancing the ratification process of the Chemical Weapons Convention and hoped to complete it soon. He welcomed the growing number of ratifications, since the credibility and effectiveness of all such international conventions depended on their universality. Thus, he also welcomed the progress made to strengthen the Biological Weapons Convention.

He said that in August 1998, the Congress of Colombia adopted the Convention on Prohibitions or Restrictions on the Use of Certain Conventional Weapons Which May Be Deemed to Be Excessively Injurious or to Have Indiscriminate Effects and its protocols. That ratification, along with that of the Ottawa Convention, was now being considered by the Colombian Congress.

He said the illicit traffic in, and proliferation of, small arms constituted a serious threat to the security and economic development of affected countries and regions. The link between criminal organizations and those that dealt with illicit weapons was widely recognized. The time had come for the international community to consider action-oriented recommendations to combat the problem. An international convention on the issue must commit States to adopt legal measures for the internal control of small arms. He supported the initiative to conclude a protocol on measures to combat the problem posed by small arms, in the framework of the proposed convention against transnational organized crime, which would be negotiated by the Commission on Crime Prevention and Criminal Justice.

U MYA THAN (Myanmar) said that the arms control and disarmament picture was rather dismal. Nuclear disarmament was at an impasse, bilateral nuclear disarmament negotiations between the United States and the Russian Federation seemed to have lost steam for the time being and the Russian Federation had so far failed to ratify START II.

First Committee - 15 - Press Release GA/DIS/3107 3rd Meeting (AM) 12 October 1998

Unfortunately, some nuclear-weapon States were not living up to their commitments under the NPT, such as the guarantee of security assurances to non-nuclear-weapon States, he continued. Those countries had not reaffirmed their commitments and their statements on the issue were often perfunctory and unenthusiastic. The lack of progress in nuclear disarmament was part and parcel of the continued opposition of the nuclear-weapon States to establish an ad hoc committee on nuclear disarmament in the Conference on Disarmament. The same reluctance was conspicuous at the meeting of the NPT Preparatory Committee. Some had even expressed opposition to negotiating a moderate, draft rolling text on nuclear disarmament and on related issues, causing the meeting to be a "dismal failure".

The underground nuclear tests in South Asia had proven that the NPT regime was not fully effective, he said. His Government opposed any nuclear test by any country in any environment. However, the recent tests in South Asia had raised a much deeper question than the cessation of nuclear testing -- namely whether or not the NPT would be sustainable and fully effective. The insistence on the part of the nuclear-weapon States to cling to their perpetual possession of nuclear weapons and to continue to place high value on nuclear deterrence would only "sharpen the appetites" of non-nuclear-weapon States to acquire nuclear weapons, either overtly or covertly.

He said that while the non-nuclear-weapon States must refrain from acquiring nuclear weapons, the nuclear-weapon States must undertake more effective nuclear disarmament measures, in order to ultimately eliminate those weapons through an effective international legal norm. The credibility gap between nuclear-weapon States and non-nuclear-weapon States must be bridged by deeds. The cessation of the nuclear arms race and nuclear disarmament had remained at the top of the world agenda, yet, the Conference on Disarmament had been denied its ability to negotiate in that regard. In the face of such an impasse, a new agenda was needed that would provide impetus for a nuclear- weapon-free world.

He said that such an agenda should include the removal of nuclear weapons from alert status, deactivating nuclear weapons and the removal of nuclear warheads from the arsenals of nuclear-weapon States. Moreover, the agenda should compel nuclear-weapon States to guarantee against a first strike of nuclear weapons and to conclude a treaty on the cut-off of fissile material for weapons purposes, as well as provide security assurances to non-nuclear- weapon States. Removing weapons from alert status and deactivation were immediate steps that would reduce the risk of unauthorized use and eliminate the risk of any precipitous decision to use such weapons.

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First Committee - 16 - Press Release GA/DIS/3107 3rd Meeting (AM) 12 October 1998

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First Committee - 17 - Press Release GA/DIS/3107 3rd Meeting (AM) 12 October 1998

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