TRANSCRIPT OF PRESS CONFERENCE BY SECRETARY-GENERAL KOFI ANNAN IN GIGIRI, KENYA, ON 4 MAY 1998

Press Release
SG/SM/6547

TRANSCRIPT OF PRESS CONFERENCE BY SECRETARY-GENERAL KOFI ANNAN IN GIGIRI, KENYA, ON 4 MAY 1998

The SECRETARY-GENERAL: I am grateful to President Moi and to the Kenyan Government for their generous hospitality and for what they are doing to facilitate the work of the United Nations.

Bilaterally, I have had talks with President Moi and with the Foreign Minister. I have also had lunch with the Speaker of Parliament, at which I was very glad to meet a wide cross-section of members of the national Parliament. Political pluralism is evidently flourishing in Kenya.

In my talks with the President and the Foreign Minister we discussed the future of the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) and the United Nations Centre for Human Settlements (Habitat). I was happy to reaffirm my intention that the United Nations should maintain a strong presence in Nairobi. Indeed, I have appointed Klaus Topfer, the gentleman to my left, to be Director-General of the United Nations Office in Nairobi. That is putting the United Nations presence here on a par with the Offices in Vienna and Geneva.

The President and the Foreign Minister and I also had serious discussions about regional issues, notably the Great Lakes, Sudan and Somalia. On Sudan, I was pleased to learn that the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) mediators and the parties to the conflict in southern Sudan are reconvening their talks in Nairobi during my stay here. I would like to take this opportunity to reiterate my strong support for IGAD and for the peace initiative launched by President Moi. And I would also like to encourage the participants to expedite their search for a comprehensive, peaceful settlement of the conflict.

I was briefed this morning on another subject. I was briefed this morning by the managers of Operation Lifeline Sudan, the United Nations-led consortium which is striving to avert catastrophe in southern Sudan. The needs of the people of southern Sudan are great and urgent. I am pleased to note that flight approvals given yesterday in Khartoum by the Government of Sudan will allow us to increase nearly three-fold our deliveries of assistance in the coming four months. The Government of Sudan is to be congratulated for taking this important step to grant the United Nations full humanitarian access, and I will be saying so when I meet the Foreign Minister of Sudan later this afternoon. It is essential that this access be maintained in the months to come, regardless of the outcome of the peace negotiations beginning today.

With the humanitarian access problem now resolved, the major constraint on successful prevention of humanitarian catastrophe in southern Sudan is the question of resources. Of the United Nations consolidated appeal for calendar year 1998, of $109 million -- I repeat $109 million -- only 20 per cent has so far been pledged. The World Food Programme (WFP) is appealing to donors for a further $20.12 million in food and cash, which will meet the food needs in the next four months. The United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) needs an additional $4.5 million to respond to non-food needs in the Bahr el Ghazal alone, and

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additional millions for other areas of the South. I appeal to donor Governments and operations of the world to respond urgently and generously to this crisis.

I have also had the opportunity during my visit to meet the United Nations teams working on Sudan and Somalia. This is my second visit in two days to Gigiri, the United Nations headquarters, where I had the opportunity to meet with Permanent Representatives of Member States to UNEP and Habitat.

I will now be ready to take your questions.

QUESTION: And do you think that your -- going on the report that has been published in The New Yorker yesterday -- dismissal of General Dallaire's plan of action over an impending genocide in Rwanda in 1994 is going to affect your credibility as Secretary-General or make your visit difficult [inaudible]?

The SECRETARY-GENERAL: Not at all. First of all, this is an old story which is being rehashed. Secondly, the leaders of the region and the Member States of the United Nations, the Council, the troop contributing countries, all [inaudible] of my role. And so let me say that the failure to prevent the 1994 genocide was local, national, international, including Member States with capacity. It was the failure of all of us. It was our collective failure, the list I have given. We all failed Rwanda.

The fundamental failure was lack of political will, not the lack of information. If it is lack of information that prevents action, that prevents the solution of crises, then I think we would have very few crises in the world today.

No one can deny that the world failed the people of Rwanda. But the crucial issue today is not how to apportion blame with the benefit of hindsight. But, rather, we should be asking how we can ensure that such a tragedy can never happen again and how the international community can best assist the people and Government of Rwanda in the enormously difficult process of rebuilding a united community and healing the wounds of the past.

QUESTION: Just to follow up on that question, Sir. Are you able now then to share with us what type of message you are going to bring to Rwanda?

The SECRETARY-GENERAL: I will share it with the Government, and it will become available then. I think I have a message for the Government. We have lots of things to talk about, and I think it is appropriate that I share it with them first, rather than go through a television communication with them.

QUESTION: Do you think that the assessment on the Somali crisis made last year by your Special Envoy, Ambassador Kittani, is still valid after the failure of the Sodere and Cairo agreements?

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The SECRETARY-GENERAL: The Somali crisis is a rather difficult one, but I think IGAD has taken things in hand. I had the opportunity of discussing the crisis with Prime Minister Meles Zenawi in Ethiopia, and I made it clear to him that the United Nations is supporting the efforts of IGAD. At the same time, we will be prepared to provide any assistance that IGAD deems necessary. And I have encouraged all the Governments in the region to work with IGAD, and I hope that the Somali factions, after so many years of conflict, will find a way of coming together and really make peace, and hopefully do it in Mogadishu with the participation of all Somalis, with as broad-based participation as possible. But we are working with IGAD, and we will support their efforts.

QUESTION: On your arrival yesterday, Mr. Secretary-General, you spoke about some concerns which you had about the United Nations presence in Nairobi and which you are going to discuss with the Kenyan Government. What I was concerned then ... I realize that you [inaudible] the level of representation in Nairobi. Is that saying that you are satisfied that your concerns have been addressed?

The SECRETARY-GENERAL: The designation of Klaus Topfer as Director-General was made before he came here; it is not something that happened within the last 24 hours. Secondly, the issues we had in mind dealt with upgrading the United Nations communication, improving certain facilities which had to be agreed to by the Kenyan post office and other governmental institutions. Quite a lot of it has been done, and I think we are on our way to resolving the remaining issues. It has to be understood that in the global environment communication is a very effective tool. And where you do not have effective communication and ability to link up with New York and the rest of the world, your operations can be severely handicapped. And these are some of the issues that we have been working on. And I think, from my discussions with the highest levels of Kenyan leadership, I am assured that the problems will be resolved.

QUESTION: There were rumours that the tribunal of Arusha might be transferred to Kenya. Are those only rumours or serious options?

The SECRETARY-GENERAL: Rumours.

QUESTION: I am asking about the situation in southern Sudan. Everybody is expecting a ceasefire in that part of Sudan. Can you ask the two parties for a ceasefire?

The SECRETARY-GENERAL: I think I've gone beyond that. I've appealed to the two parties to have the courage, the vision to make the sort of compromises necessary to come to a settlement. And of course any settlement would also include a ceasefire. But if we can get an immediate ceasefire and continue with the others, I would support this. But I will appeal to them, and I have appealed to them to accelerate their efforts.

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QUESTION: The [inaudible] is talking about the execution of convicts in Rwanda. Would you like to take a position on that?

The SECRETARY-GENERAL: First of all, let me say that each country has its own system of justice and that of course there are quite a lot of us who are concerned about the public execution of the convicts. I had an opportunity to write to the Government, and I think that all of us believe that there must be justice and that without justice after the genocide, the healing cannot begin. But I also believe that the justice has to be administered in a manner that will facilitate healing, and not in a manner that can exacerbate the situation.

I think the Government has a difficult task on its hands with many accused prisoners in jail, with a judiciary system that is struggling. The other tribunal in Arusha has also been slow in indicting people. We just had the first major indictment. But international tribunals are very difficult things to set up and very difficult procedures. But at least we have made one major step. I think I will have a chance to discuss with the authorities what the future holds for this issue when I get to Kigali.

QUESTION: You've had meetings, as you said, with the United Nations teams working in Somalia but not with any of the Somali leaders themselves. Does this show that the United Nations no longer wants to have a dialogue with the Somali leaders? You've lost patience with them?

The SECRETARY-GENERAL: First of all, I think I answered that question by indicating that the political process is being led by the IGAD, and we are supporting IGAD. I have not come with a plan to meet the Somali leaders, and I also have indicated that while we are supporting the peace process and IGAD, it is important to all concerned that there is a focused process and that we do not create the impression of a multiplicity of mediators, which often leads to some confusion.

QUESTION: Would you please update us about the process of reform within the United Nations system and about the success to date of your efforts to convince the American administration to pay its United Nations arrears.

The SECRETARY-GENERAL: I think reform is well on its way. I can report that at the last General Assembly the Member States approved about 85 per cent of the reform proposals I put forward. This included the elimination of 1,000 posts, streamlining administrative structures, the reduction of administrative costs, reform of human rights machinery, machinery in Vienna to fight crime, drugs and terrorism, and a whole series of other proposals, consolidating three economic departments into one to give [this work] focus and so forth.

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But as I said last year, reform is a process and not an event, and the process is going on. As we speak, in New York the General Assembly is reviewing certain other proposals, including the recommendation that we should have a Millennium Assembly, a Millennium Summit, in the year 2000, where heads of States will come and reflect on the future of the United Nations and the world that they see as we move into the twenty-first century. Parallel to that will be a people's assembly, which will also feed into the summit. So on the reform side I think we have delivered; we've done what we said we would do.

With regard to the United States payment, we still haven't seen the cheque. The Administration and President Clinton in particular believe that the United Nations is important for the United States, just as the United States is important for the United Nations. He further believes that if the United States is going to play a constructive role and lead in the United Nations, it has to pay its way. This is a position I share 100 per cent.

However, we've run into difficulties on the Hill, with the United States House of Representatives and the Senate. The Senate recently approved payment to the United Nations, but it attached an unrelated amendment, really based on domestic considerations. The President has indicated he will veto that bill if that amendment is attached. So it is quite likely that the bill will be vetoed, and we will be back to square one. We have to continue the fight until some solution is found.

QUESTION: This is your first visit to Africa since your report on the continent. I know that you're trying to present a [inaudible] as a world of opportunities rather than one of conflicts, but are you more or less optimistic [as a result of] your few days here?

The SECRETARY-GENERAL: Yes, this is my first visit to Africa since the report. I have had the chance to talk to people in government, people in politics[??] and ordinary people, and also in Ethiopia and Djibouti I was able to talk to lots of people. I am optimistic. I sense a new mood in Africa. I sense a spirit of Africans who want to participate, who want to be involved, who want to see a government based on rule of law, who want to see respect for human rights, who want transparent governments, who have talents and want to be put to use. As I talk to them, I am encouraged, and I'm confident that the kind of renaissance everybody is talking about will not be short lived if the people continue to embrace it with the spirit that I have encountered during this brief week or so that I've been on the continent. I am encouraged.

QUESTION: Do you think there will be any way one day to understand what happened in the Democratic Republic of the Congo before the takeover?

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The SECRETARY-GENERAL: That is difficult to say. As you know, several investigations are going on. I withdrew the team that was in there because I didn't get the level of cooperation required for them to continue, but investigations will continue from outside. Also, when I was at the Organization of African Unity (OAU) I did talk to OAU Secretary-General Salim Salim, and the OAU and the regional leaders want to set up a commission to look into what happened in that whole region, probably going back to 1992, looking at what happened, who did what, who did not act, who could have acted, who had capacity and didn't use it. Apparently they will name this commission in the next few months.

This is going to be a long-term process, and so, depending on what happens, all these investigations may shed some light on what happened in the region. But of course then the question comes up, once you know the truth, what action do you take against perpetrators, and if war crimes were committed, should you allow impunity to stand or do you go beyond that?

QUESTION: Do you have any [inaudible] back in 1994 about Rwanda?

The SECRETARY-GENERAL: No, I do not, because perhaps I knew more about the situation, and also I know the struggle. In fact, it was one of those issues on which my predecessor, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, pushed the Member States so hard to give the United Nations the capacity and the facility to do something in Rwanda, and we did not get it. I agree with General Dallaire when he says, "If I had had one reinforced brigade -- 5,000 men -- well trained and well equipped, I could have saved hundreds of thousands of lives". That capacity he did not have, not because the capacity did not exist in the world and no government had it or could have provided it, but because the will to provide, the will to act, was not there, and that is the crux of the matter.

QUESTION: [inaudible] you are quoted as suggesting that creditors should consider clearing the entire debt stock of the poorest African countries. Is this in line with the other calls -- say, from the churches and the likes of former Tanzanian President Nyerere -- asking for a total writing off of those debts?

The SECRETARY-GENERAL: The issue of debt relief has been on the international agenda for a long time, and the international financial institutions have themselves come up with the scheme. But the scheme is very difficult to access. I think only four countries have now been qualified, and the appeal we are making, and others have made, is really to encourage the governments to consider debt relief, particularly to the poorest countries, to allow them to get their economy off the ground. But of course, along with that recommendation, there are other suggestions, including better use of the resources that we have, just as we try to encourage mobilization of additional resources. Along with that should come the right economic policies and the right policies of government regulatory systems and accountability.

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QUESTION: I have one more question about your position in 1994. Do you think that it is important to set up some sort of inquiry to investigate the dismissal of General Dallaire's plan of action, and why did you refuse him permission to testify before the special commission established by the Belgian Government?

The SECRETARY-GENERAL: I think the explanations were very clear, given in the letter to the Belgian authorities. First, based on the privileges and immunities of the United Nations, we could not lift his immunity to go and address the Belgian Government, but Dallaire answered lots of questions in writing, and I think a lot has been written on this, and the material has been made open. I think I have given you an answer this afternoon, and that is why...

QUESTION: [inaudible] investigation that the United Nations should hold some sort of inquiry as to what happened?

The SECRETARY-GENERAL: I think the [inaudible] who are initiated about peacekeeping operations and how these things are done do not see the problems in the terms you seem to see them -- black and white terms.

In peacekeeping operations, a whole series of information comes to the commander, which has to be analysed by the commander to decide whether it is legitimate or not. In some situations, you decide that this is important information, share it with key people on the ground, get them all to act collectively and try to see what you can do to nip the problem in the bud. When a commander decides to act or goes to the headquarters for them to assess, you have to make the judgement whether you have the capacity to act, if by acting you are not placing more people at risk and if indeed you can act.

Not only that, some of the reports seem to forget the incredible circumstances under which Dallaire and the peacekeepers operated. They seem to forget that he had very limited resources at his disposal, and given the size and the magnitude of the operation we all saw, for anyone to think that his force of several hundred men could have contained and stopped all of this, when additional resources were not being offered, and that they could go in and stop all this without putting other people and themselves at risk...

Secondly, we should remember that in the crisis, Dallaire and his men -- at one point he was left with only the Ghanaian battalion, when the Belgians had withdrawn and the Bangladeshis had gone -- to [inaudible] to protect people at the stadium, at Hotel Milles Collines, putting themselves in harm's way. We do not hear anything about that. [inaudible] the troops arrived, but when the killing had been done. This is why the question of troops and capacity arriving at the critical time is essential.

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I think it is something I would encourage you to look at. We have done our -- we have a lessons-learned unit --, we have done analyses, and you can come and talk to us. But I think too much has been made of one cable, as if that one cable were the only information one had, and one acted on the basis of a cable. If it were that easy or that simple, I think our work would have been much easier. We would be [inaudible] early-warning systems all around, and we would not be having problems with Kosovo, because everybody knows. We would not have had a problem in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo, because everybody knew that we had to separate the troops and the refugees. Why didn't it happen, despite the information? Everybody knew that there were refugees left behind when a million went back to Rwanda. Why didn't that information make us go and save them? Everybody knew with the fighting going on between the democratic alliance and the Mobutu forces the people were [inaudible] reaching the vulnerable refugees. The information was there. Why didn't we [inaudible]? I think we have to be logical.

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