FIRST COMMITTEE TOLD CURRENT INTERNATIONAL CLIMATE FAVOURS RESOLUTION OF NUCLEAR TEST-BAN TREATY ISSUES
Press Release
GA/DIS/3029
FIRST COMMITTEE TOLD CURRENT INTERNATIONAL CLIMATE FAVOURS RESOLUTION OF NUCLEAR TEST-BAN TREATY ISSUES
19951026 Disarmament Conference Chairman Cites Remaining Differences; Russian Federation Anticipates Completion of Negotiations by 1996The need to take advantage of the current international climate to resolve outstanding issues on the conclusion of a comprehensive nuclear test- ban treaty was among the matters stressed this morning, as the First Committee (Disarmament and International Security) continued its general debate.
The representative of Poland, speaking as Chairman of the Disarmament Conference's Ad Hoc Committee on a Nuclear Test Ban, said matters on which agreement had yet to be reached included the scope of the proposed treaty, and such issues as the peaceful use of nuclear energy, "peaceful nuclear explosions", and security assurances for States Parties.
Among the more difficult issues was the problem of how to reconcile concern about preventing abusive on-site inspection requests with the need to have an expeditious on-site inspection procedure, especially when time- critical evidence was at stake, he said.
Another contentious issue was the question of on-site inspection trigger mechanisms. Much work also remained to be done concerning the implementing organization for the proposed treaty.
The representative of the Russian Federation said measures being taken in the area of disarmament had made it possible to avoid an increase in the number of States possessing nuclear weapons, following the disintegration of the former Soviet Union. He anticipated the conclusion of negotiations on a comprehensive test ban no later than 1996.
Statements were also made by the representatives of Mali, Algeria, Afghanistan, Latvia, Tunisia, Iraq, the Holy See, Pakistan, Chile and Benin.
The First Committee will meet again at 3 p.m. to continue its general debate.
Committee Work Program
The First Committee (Disarmament and International Security) met this morning to continue its general debate on a wide range of disarmament initiatives and international disarmament agreements. Those include the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT), the Treaty Banning Nuclear Weapon Tests in the Atmosphere, in Outer Space and Under Water (partial test-ban Treaty), the Convention on the Prohibition of the Development, Production, Stockpiling and Use of Chemical Weapons and on Their Destruction (chemical weapons Convention), and the Convention on the Prohibition of the Development, Production and Stockpiling of Bacteriological (Biological) and Toxin Weapons and on Their Destruction (biological weapons Convention).
Other agreements under discussion include the Convention on Prohibitions or Restrictions on the Use of Certain Conventional Weapons Which May Be Deemed to Be Excessively Injurious or to Have Indiscriminate Effects (Convention on indiscriminate conventional weapons), the Treaty for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America and the Caribbean (Treaty of Tlatelolco), the South Pacific Nuclear Free Zone Treaty (Treaty of Rarotonga), and the Treaty on the Prohibition of the Emplacement of Nuclear Weapons and Other Weapons of Mass Destruction on the Seabed and the Ocean Floor and in the Subsoil Thereof (Seabed Treaty).
Other matters being considered by the Committee include the 1995 Review and Extension Conference of the States parties to the NPT, negotiations aimed at concluding a comprehensive test-ban treaty, the Register of Conventional Arms, and the role of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) in the international non-proliferation regime. The Committee was also likely to consider such bilateral agreements as the Treaty on the Reduction and Limitation of Strategic Offensive Arms (START).
(For background, see Press Release GA/DIS/3020 of 11 October.)
Statements
MAMADOU BANDIOUGOU DIAWARA (Mali) said that despite repeated appeals in the General Assembly for disarmament, there still existed enough weapons to destroy all life on the planet. Because of the disappearance of two international blocs, however, there was an opportunity for complete disarmament, and Mali supported providing the United Nations with all means to that end.
He said the northwest area of Mali suffered from illicit traffic in small arms, which had contributed to its destabilization. In 1993 Mali asked the Secretary-General for assistance, and was grateful for the work done. With its neighbours, Mali was working to ensure better security along its
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borders, and curtail widespread banditry. Constant efforts must be made to put an end to the scourge of the spread of small arms.
The proliferation of conflicts since disappearance of the two major blocs intensified the need for warning systems, he continued. A central organ under African authority was also required for the prevention, management and settlement of conflicts. The Regional Disarmament Centre in Africa, like its two counterparts, was a valuable instrument for the promotion of peace. Africa was still the continent most affected by land-mines, with an estimated 20 million mines. Ending the production of land-mines and strict controls on existing mines were major challenges.
RAMTANE LAMAMRA (Algeria) said disarmament was at the heart of problems of international peace and security. The indefinite prolongation of the NPT was a major event, as non-proliferation remained the fulcrum for nuclear disarmament. It was hoped the momentum from that extension would lead to a comprehensive test ban in 1996. Algeria shared the frustration of other countries that nuclear tests were continuing. Efforts to conclude a ban on the production of fissile materials for weapons purposes represented a positive step forward. Another positive step was the agreement by the Organization of African Unity (OAU) in June 1995 on a treaty establishing a nuclear-weapon-free zone in Africa.
Algeria, which in its region devoted the smallest proportion of its gross national product (GNP) to defense expenditures, was concerned about the illicit transfer of conventional weapons, he said. His country attached considerable importance to peace and security in the Mediterranean region and welcomed the Euro-Mediterranean Conference to be held next month in Barcelona.
In an unstable world, such problems as terrorism, major international crime and trafficking in arms and drugs were coming to the fore, he said. They represented new and dangerous threats to the social fabric, fundamental rights of citizens, and the security of States. An international strategy against those threats, based on broad international cooperation, had become a categorical imperative.
S. V. LAVROV (Russian Federation) said the fiftieth anniversary of the United Nations was marked by developments of historical and undying value in the area of arms reductions and disarmament, particularly with the indefinite extension of the NPT. It had made it possible to avoid an increase in the number of States possessing nuclear weapons, following the disintegration of the Soviet Union. Such developments raised hopes that those few countries which remained outside the NPT regime would soon join the overwhelming majority. Russia appreciated the activities of the IAEA and called on those parties which had not jointed the NPT to sign the IAEA safeguards.
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Multilateral disarmament was a priority, he continued. He anticipated the conclusion, no later than 1996, of negotiations on a universal, international, and effectively verifiable comprehensive nuclear test-ban treaty. Consensus on key elements of the treaty must be achieved as soon as possible in order to produce a well-drafted, viable treaty that would finally put an end to nuclear weapons tests, including underground tests. It was important at this time for nuclear powers to show restraint. Russia was not indifferent to the decision by France to start up its nuclear tests again, as well as China's continued explosions.
He said the START II Treaty would reduce existing levels of Russian and United States nuclear warheads by two-thirds by the year 2003. Each of the two parties had been annually dismantling no fewer than two thousand warheads.
The preservation and compliance with the 1972 Treaty on the Limitation of Anti-Ballistic Missile (ABM) Defence Systems was a key element in maintaining strategic stability, the most important prerequisite for deep cuts in offensive weapons. Russia and the United States had stressed that both were committed to the ABM Treaty, a cornerstone of strategic stability.
The framework of a treaty on nuclear safety and strategic stability proposed by the President of Russia at the previous session of the General Assembly, had addressed the cessation of fissionable material production as well as, the reduction of nuclear warheads and nuclear weapons delivery systems.
He said the multilateral disarmament agenda called for an early start on negotiations to prohibit the production of fissile materials for nuclear weapons. That could be taken up by the Disarmament Commission next year. There was, however, a dangerous precedent of non-compliance by those continuing to produce fissionable materials. Russia had already halted production of weapon-grade uranium; by the year 2000 it would implement a programme halting weapon-grade plutonium. Ten out of 13 reactors had already been shut down.
The decision taken by France, the United States and Great Britain to join Russia and China in signing the relevant protocols to the Treaty of Rarotonga, represented a step in the right direction. Russia also supported efforts of the States of the southern Pacific region, and also hoped that practical steps would be taken to establish a nuclear free zone in the Middle East. On the question of biological weapons, Russian had a deep interest in ensuring efficiency and early launching of compliance control mechanisms. Serious preparatory work was being conducted to ratify the Convention, and conversion of former chemical weapons production facilities was under way.
He said illicit trafficking in light arms was causing a growing number of human casualties, and Russia was ready to support the idea of "micro- disarmament". The work of a special committee on transparency in the Conference on Disarmament was suspended in 1995; that process should be unblocked, and the special committee should resume its work as soon as possible. Anti-personnel land-mines continued to sow death among civilian populations; Russia had already established a moratorium on the export of the most dangerous type of mines.
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There was need to increase efficiency of the entire disarmament mechanism, such as removing unnecessary fragmentation in the process. The Conference on Disarmament was a unique forum and an important link in the system. Its membership must be extended and its mandate made more comprehensive.
LUDWIK DEMBINSKI (Poland), speaking as Chairman of the Conference on Disarmament's Ad Hoc Committee on a Nuclear Test Ban, said progress was made on several key issues: that the ban would be of indefinite duration, in force "for all time"; that it would offer no "easy exit" clause; and that the "zero yield" formula, endorsed by three nuclear-weapon Powers and others, was tantamount to a truly comprehensive ban.
Technical groundwork covered in the draft text of the ban included the verification mechanism of the comprehensive test-ban treaty, he said. That included the architecture of its international monitoring system, its funding, and aspects of on-site inspection. An assortment of standard treaty provisions had been "practically agreed upon". However, there was still heavily bracketed language on the scope of the ban, as well as on the peaceful use of nuclear energy, "peaceful nuclear explosions", the test ban's implementing organization, reservations, entry into force, duration and withdrawal, review, and the question of security assurances for States Parties.
The emerging convergence around the "zero yield" option -- endorsed by France, the United States, the United Kingdom and, he believed, the Russian Federation, as well as by many non-nuclear-weapon States -- was of inestimable historic significance, he said. A consensus by all five nuclear Powers would pave the way for agreement on precise language regarding the scope of the ban. He expected such agreement to be achieved at the outset of the Ad Hoc Committee's formal session in 1996.
Important forward movement had been recorded on the sensitive issue of sharing the cost of the expensive international monitoring operation, he said. It was envisaged that those costs, like those of the treaty organization, would be shared among States Parties according to the United Nations scale of assessment, as appropriately adjusted. However, much substantive and hard work would be needed to negotiate an agreement on other components of the verification regime, including on-site inspections and national technical means.
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Among the more difficult issues was the problem of how to reconcile the concern with preventing abusive on-site inspection requests with the need to have an expeditious on-site inspection procedure, especially when time- critical evidence was at stake, he said. Another contentious issue was the question of on-site inspection trigger mechanisms.
He said two seemingly contradictory objectives also need to be resolved concerning the Treaty's entry into force. The relevant provision should preclude the possibility of the ban being held hostage to one or more States. At the same time, they should ensure its possible early entry into force and full effectiveness, based on support by the international community, including all the key States. The possibility of including a "right of waiver" was being explored.
On the implementing organization for the treaty, the prevailing view seemed to be that it should be an independent entity, co-located with the IAEA in Vienna, he said. Agreement would have to be reached on the structure and composition of its principal bodies. Much still remained to be worked, especially with regard to its Executive Council.
He said the Ad Hoc Committee had also considered the question of establishment of a Preparatory Commission, a supervisory body with responsibility for the treaty in the period between its conclusion and entry into force.
ABDUL GHAFAR OSMAN (Afghanistan) said efforts towards peace and global security had not met world-wide expectations. Because of its strategic situation, Afghanistan had always been a major focal point of East-West competition and had played a major role in peace and security.
The most recent influx of arms into Afghanistan, engineered through the illicit transfer of conventional arms to mercenaries, was a danger to the freedom of developing countries. In some cases, mercenaries were recruited and armed in foreign quarters. In other cases, already active mercenaries were receiving illicit arms from abroad. Unfortunately, only nine Member States had so far ratified the 1989 Convention intended to stem such traffic. When ratified, the Convention would have a great impact on the illicit transfer of such arms. In 14 years of war imposed on Afghanistan by former Soviet forces, approximately 10 million land-mines were planted; their impact on civilians and on livestock had been devastating. Continued negotiation on the use of land-mines was necessary.
He favoured transparency in armaments, which needed enhancement, particularly in countries like Afghanistan. Nuclear armaments still posed a major threat to the safety of the world. He supported the early conclusion of the comprehensive test-ban treaty. On the matter of regional centres, he
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regretted there was not appropriate support for them. Such centres were essential to maintaining peace, and furthering progress in developing countries.
IVARS SLOKENBERGS (Latvia) said the European Union, together with the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the Western European Union, were the bulwarks of European security. Latvia's integration with those organizations would contribute to its own national security and constitute an important girder of regional and global security. The principal achievement of the past year was the indefinite extension of the NPT. However, much remained to be done in the sphere of nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament. Latvia expected to sign a comprehensive nuclear test-ban treaty in 1996.
The negative and positive assurances adopted by the nuclear-weapon States constituted an additional measure of confidence-building, he said. Latvia urged further negotiations on the expansion of such measures, including the negotiation of legally binding assurances. With regard to other weapons of mass destruction, Latvia was in the process of ratifying the chemical weapons Convention and urged other States to do so as well.
Regional security could be maintained if all countries refrained from the threat or use of force, he said. Latvia hoped that all its neighbours would continue to heed that principle of the Charter. Regional arms control agreements were a cornerstone of the international security system. Recently proposed changes to the Treaty on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe (CFE) would allow an increase in the concentration of armed forces in the regions neighbouring Latvia. He did not believe such a development would contribute to the stability of the region. The States Parties should carefully consider their position before taking a decision which could influence the military balance in Europe.
SLAHEDDINE ABDELLAH (Tunisia) said that the extension of the NPT was the most important achievement of the year. He welcomed the progress in negotiations of the comprehensive test-ban treaty, and said that the Convention on chemical weapons should be adopted by the international community. However, the focus on weapons of mass destruction must not overshadow the problems of the existence, development and production of conventional arms. Tunisia said the implementation of the Register of Conventional Arms would be more effective if the Register broadened its scope to include information on other kinds of weapons.
He said the Treaty of Pelindaba, to create a nuclear-weapon-free zone in Africa, was an essential complement to the Treaties of Rarotonga and Tlatelolco. He welcomed the intention of France, the United Kingdom and the United States to sign the relevant protocols to the Rarotonga Treaty, and he
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hoped they would equally support the Treaty for an African nuclear-free zone. He said he supported the concept of prohibiting all weapons of mass destruction from the continent.
He added that the establishment of a nuclear-free zone in the Middle East would help create a positive climate for peace in the region. He also supported efforts by all countries to maintain peace and prosperity in the Mediterranean region. In that context, Tunisia had hosted a special meeting of the Mediterranean Forum last summer, and he looked forward to a forthcoming meeting on the subject in Barcelona.
SAEED HASAN (Iraq) stressed the importance of credible guarantees for non-nuclear States. Many States, including his own, felt that the indefinite extension of the NPT would not serve the Treaty's objectives -- particularly its objective of nuclear disarmament. Recent events confirmed that analysis. Nuclear tests were continuing, and there was no effort to assure non-nuclear States against such weapons, to ensure the Treaty's universality, or to work out a timetable for the elimination of nuclear weapons.
The creation of nuclear-weapon-free zones was important in controlling proliferation, particularly in the Middle East, where Israel possessed nuclear weapons and their means of delivery, he said. While the initiative of regional States was central to the establishment of such zones, the Security Council had a key role to play in the Middle East. The Council had demanded that Israel subject its nuclear facilities to IAEA safeguards. The Council must see to the implementation of its resolutions. The fact that it had not been seized by the question of Israel's nuclear weapons represented a serious threat to regional peace and security.
Some 25 million people have been killed in wars since the end of the Second World War, he said. A similar number died each year owing to hunger and lack of medicines. Disarmament should be seen in that context. A principle responsibility lay with the exporters of arms, which should transform their military industries into civilian industries. They should also finance the process of development in developing countries, in order to ensure lasting stability throughout the world.
RENATO MARTINO (Holy See) referred to a statement by Pope John Paul II during his recent visit to the United Nations, in which he said that while the threat of nuclear war seemed to have receded, "'everything that might make it return needs to be rejected firmly and universally.'" Mr. Martino said it was not enough to merely extend the life of the NPT indefinitely. It contained a legal obligation to comply with the horizontal and vertical proliferation of nuclear weapons. The obligation of the 178 States parties to the NPT to negotiate nuclear disarmament, and general and complete disarmament under
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strict and effective international control, was reinforced. The package of three documents adopted by the NPT Review Conference opened the way to elimination of nuclear weapons within the shortest possible time frame.
It was now urgent, he went on, that the Commission redouble its efforts to produce a comprehensive test-ban treaty that would end all nuclear tests by all countries in all environments. It was also necessary to focus attention on stopping the widespread production, distribution and use of inhumane weapons, such as anti-personnel land-mines. The disappointing results of the recent conference in Vienna ought to embolden, not dishearten, the committee, which must persevere towards protecting civilians from the indiscriminate effects of such mines. Governments should allocate more financial resources for mine clearance, and for the help of victims of those inhuman weapons.
MUNIR AKRAM (Pakistan) said that while the threat of a global nuclear holocaust had receded, festering national aspirations had emerged and the quest for regional domination still inspired some States. Disarmament measures were therefore more necessary than ever before. The lead must be taken by those States having the most significant military arsenals. If nuclear weapons were retained, a system of deterrence involving multiple nuclear-weapon States would have to be developed, which would be dangerous. The world must act now to agree on a system for the phased reduction and eventual elimination of nuclear weapons. Despite planned reductions in the arsenals of the United States and the Russian Federation, remaining weapons would still be able to destroy the world several times over.
To be effective, any nuclear test ban must be total and complete, he said. Nuclear-weapon States had argued for exceptions to cover safety and reliability tests, and discussions had been held on the threshold of such tests. He was happy that France, the United Kingdom and the United States had agreed on a zero-yield ban. Pakistan supported a non-discriminatory international verification system, which would create equal rights and access for all States parties. The use of national technical and other means should be evolved based on that principle.
Conventional arms control must address the root causes of insecurity, he went on. It must promote balance and security among all the regional States concerned. Pakistan was disappointed at the failure to reach agreement on banning anti-personnel land-mines. Objective criteria should be established for verification of various substances under the biological weapons Convention.
He said peace and security in South Asia could be promoted by addressing three interrelated issues. First, there must a solution to the underlying causes of tension between Pakistan and India, primarily the Kashmir dispute. Secondly, there must be conventional arms control and confidence-building measures, he said. These could include a mutually agreed ratio of forces
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between Pakistan and India, steps to ensure against a surprise attack, and agreement on arms controls principles in the region. Thirdly, there must be mutually acceptable non-proliferation arrangements. India had not yet accepted the proposals for a nuclear-weapon-free zone, for simultaneous acceptance of the NPT, or of comprehensive safeguards.
Pakistan was deeply concerned about the impending threat posed by the planned production and deployment of ballistic missiles against it, he said. "This fateful step, once taken, will transform an already tense situation in South Asia into a hair-trigger security environment." Pakistan would be obliged to take appropriate steps to respond to this new and qualitatively enhanced threat to its security.
He observed that last year, the United States proposed multilateral talks on security, arms control and non-proliferation in South Asia. He hoped that initiative would be accepted by all the proposed participants.
JORGE BERGUNO (Chile) said the fiftieth anniversary of the United Nations was a time to draw a balance sheet on achievements. The time had come for a fourth special Assembly session on disarmament. The impasse prevailing in the Conference on Disarmament and in the Disarmament Commission should be replaced by a dialogue beginning in the First Committee.
Since the Conference on Disarmament was the only multilateral negotiating forum, it needed to be representative and reflective of today's realities. In fact, it had become less representative since many nations were no longer members. The decision to expand its membership was a small step in the right direction. On negotiations for a comprehensive test-ban treaty to conclude no later than 1996, he added, Chile was co-sponsoring a resolution seeking an immediate end to all nuclear testing. The announcement by France, the United States, and the United Kingdom of their intention to subscribe to a zero-option treaty was welcomed, but work needed to begin in earnest on the prohibition of fissionable materials. More transparency and export controls were also needed, as was the examination of the peaceful uses of nuclear energy for development purposes.
He said nuclear-weapon-free zones were a valuable, peace-keeping tool. A treaty establishing Africa as a nuclear-weapon-free zone, like those for Tlatelolco and Rarotonga, should be supported by all States. He was extremely disappointed at the failure of the Vienna Review Convention to agree to the text of a protocol on land-mines. That illustrated the gap that existed between the reiterated demands of the General Assembly and the political realities of the negotiating organizations. The resumption of the ad hoc committee on transparency in the Conference on Disarmament would contribute to a more thorough consideration of the Register of Conventional Arms. On this issue, he said, sustained regional efforts could complement global ones. Chile would host the conference on confidence-building measures in November,
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at which attempts would be made to decide on certain confidence-building measures towards meeting the universal aspiration of a secure world.
RENE VALERY MONGBE (Benin) stressed the importance of bringing about a world free of weapons of all kinds. The arms race represented a heavy burden on the economies of all nations. The spectacular contrast between global military expenditures and the repercussions of underdevelopment -- which affected more than two thirds of mankind -- could not be overemphasized.
He said serious attention must be given to nuclear disarmament and consolidation of the non-proliferation regime; promotion of the safeguards clauses of the IAEA; the banning of nuclear tests, promotion of a fissile materials ban; and promotion of nuclear-weapon-free zones throughout the world. Particular attention should be given to the implementation of the chemical weapons Convention.
Within the framework of conventional disarmament, there was an imperative need to ban the production and use of anti-personnel mines, he said. The scope of the United Nations Register of Conventional Arms must be expanded. International cooperation on the provision of dual-use technology for peaceful purposes must be encouraged. Benin supported the convening in 1997 of a fourth special session of the General Assembly on disarmament. Such a session would provide an opportunity to review the more problematic aspects of the disarmament process, in order to consolidate world peace and security.
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